I found this on the internet by accident!!! Enjoy!!!!
A potentially fruitful area of enquiry would have been to probe
further the aspect of Punjabi Hindu presence amongst the Sikh
militants which Puri et al. rightly call 'interesting' but do not
follow up. This is an aspect of Punjab militancy which remains hugely
understudied. There is some interesting information on Roshan Lal
Bairagi, the first known Punjabi Hindu turned Sikh 'terrorist',
provided by the left-wing magazine Link: "Bairagis are a Hindu
Brahmin sect. This particular Hindu sect has closest links with
Sikhism. They are generally poor. Some villages in Amritsar district
have one or more Bairagi families each. Traditionally, they earn
their living by doing daily labour occasionally, begging and
performing religious ceremonies, including in Sikh families."2 Some
of the other Punjabi Hindus whose names were reported in the media
for having joined the ranks of Sikh terrorists were Pardeep Kumar
(Sher Singh Sher after baptism), Rakesh Kumar (new Sikh name Ranjit
Singh Pappu, killed 1992), Balwant Rai (Gurdit Singh Gullu killed
1992), Ashok Kumar Billa, Ramesh Lal (Kabul Singh), Vikas Pandit
(killed), Vishnu Dutt (killed) and his brother Prem Kumar (Panthjit
Singh), Sarwan Kumar (Palwinder Singh, killed) and his brother Ashok
Kumar (Sukhwinder Singh, killed), K C Sharma (killed), Sushil Kumar
(killed), Sham Sunder Shastri (Ranjit Singh Bittu, killed 1992), Bhai
Des Raj Desa Salem Tabri (killed 1992), Tarsem Raj ('escaped' police
custody 1992) and Ram Sarup Pandit (Surjit Singh killed 1992).
It is difficult to say much regarding some Punjabi Hindus' turn
towards Sikh militancy on the basis of the limited information
available of these individuals. Had the authors done in-depth case
studies of the two Punjabi Hindus in their sample, that might have
yielded some refreshing information on the question of Punjabi Hindu
participation in the Sikh militant movement. If we place this aspect
into the larger context of Hindu-Sikh relations in Punjab, we can
move closer to solving this apparent paradox. An overwhelming
majority of members of the Punjabi Hindu community have genuine and
deep reverence for the Sikh Gurus and the gurdwaras, especially the
Golden Temple. Similarly it will be difficult to find a Sikh who does
not have deep religious respect for the Hindu Gods and the temples.
Despite differences in some religious practices/beliefs, the Punjabi
Hindus and the Sikhs share a common universe of feelings. They
understand and empathise with each others' collective 'structure of
sentiments' (to borrow Raymond Williams' term
Shared Sorrows
Though the media did not adequately report it, a large number of
Punjabi Hindus were as emotionally injured at the destruction caused
by the army action at the Golden Temple as were the Sikhs. It is not
unreasonable to argue that many young Punjabi Hindus, especially in
the rural areas where they are more imbued with the Sikh ethos than
the urban Hindus, shared their Sikh friends' sense of anger and
revenge against the 'Delhi Durbar' for the destruction of the Akal
Takhat and other acts of sacrilege. To the Punjabi youth, the Sikh
militants' actions of armed attacks at targets belonging to the
'Delhi Durbar' seemed an act of retrieval of self-dignity against the
humiliation inflicted by 'Indira's Delhi'. The act of some Punjabi
Hindus joining the ranks of Sikh militants was an act of identifying
with the Sikh militants' bravery and courage - the values admired and
emulated by Punjabi youth
