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  1. What do you guys think? It is very thought provoking isn't it? Res Publica. The rise and fall of the Sikh misls and the present day decay of Democracy. Often a commonwealth and/or a republic is built on the basis of the common good. The parameters which define this are however debatable and often victim to constant change. History is replete with examples of how the common good soon mutates into manifestations of corruption and avarice through the imperfectness of man. One such example is found in the rise and fall of the Sikh misls. A series of twelve confederacies (misls) which divided Punjab between themselves for the survival of the Sikh nation, but over time became hell bent on territorial conquest and achieving personal ambition. The concept, when presented to a mass gathering of Sikhs on March 29th 1748, was accepted with much gusto and cheering. At the time no one realised that the misls, which were to act as the lifeblood of the Punjab, would soon start to de-oxygenate it through their in-fighting. The misls, at first, were led by the glorious and Spartan Nawab Kapur Singh, a general whose only ambition was to create a united and singular nation for his community. His personality was the glue which bound the 11 confederacies together. At the time, this was no easy achievement. On one hand were the royal misls. Lead by successful and often wealthy leaders such as Jassa Singh Ramgarhia, and Charat Singh Sukarchakia; they were brave, resourceful and more often than not had their coffers full of finance. On the other hand was the reclusive Shahida, consisting entirely of the Akalis (traditional Sikh warriors) who relied on raids and looting to boost their financial position. Such a contrast could easily have caused divisions between the misls if it hadnt been for the strong-minded personality, of a single and militant leader. As time progressed each confederacy carved an extensive part of Punjab for itself. Obviously this lead it into conflict with the ruling regimes of the time. On one hand were the Mughals who occasionally approached them for help, on the other were the Marathas who were slowly consolidating their power on the sub-continent; whilst Afghanistan sent its raiders deep into Indian Territory for conquest and booty. By 1761, however, the confederacies were beginning to dominate Punjab and ultimately by 1780 had gained total control over Punjab. Long gone were the days of the Mughal and Afghani empires, now a new empire ruled Punjab and one which would become extensively synonymous with it; the Sikh empire. In the fashion of a true commonwealth it was moulded in a democratic form, with each and every one of the 11 chiefs holding a commune once a year at Amritsar (the religious capital of Sikh Dom) and bringing his/her problems to the attention of his/her companions. Yet reminiscent of todays democracies, strains of unease and tension were beginning to appear in these communes. Whereas at first there was a feeling of companionship and brotherhood, now there was an atmosphere of tension and unease. The maxim that power corrupts was beginning to take hold, and it was only a matter of time before past allies decided to drink each others blood. After the demise of Nawab Kapur Singhs charismatic successor, Jassa Singh Alhuwalia, in 1783 the confederacies declared open war on each other and the common good soon became clouded in the mists of profit and territorial conquest. The very leaders, who the common man relied on were now ignoring his wishes and setting his residence up for a fall. This inter-fighting saw the demise of many legendary warriors and politicians who would have contributed immensely in the growth of the Sikh sovereignty. The news of this in-fighting soon reached the ears of Zaman Shah, the Afghani emperor who decided to launch an offensive against Punjab. He succeeded in capturing the Sikh economical capital, Lahore, which weakened the confederacies even further. But rather than uniting together and facing this new threat, the confederates soon started extending their empire into North India towards Kashmir and Delhi. What was needed to preserve the common wealth of Punjab, and the common good was a shrewd and cunning leader. One who could unite the confederacies, by force if necessary, and give the state a new face. Only a few of the confederates possessed such a character, amongst them being Jassa Singh Ramgarhia, Mahan Singh Sukarchakia and the father son-duo (Jai Singh and Gurbax Singh) of the Kaniheya confederacy. However all were too busy in slaughtering each other and adding more area to their ever expanding territories. Furthermore Punjab so far had only ever been subject to imperial governing, whether at the hands of the Mughals, Afghanis and Sikhs was a different matter. So far a democratic imperial ship had failed the state. It had started off well but sunk half-way to its destination. What was needed was a change of government, the times required a single figure of power unlike Kapur Singh or Jassa Singh; a figure who retained the reins of power exclusively in his own two hands. So far corruption and avarice ran rife due to their being more than one powerful leader who paid tribute to the natural law of power, more than one powerful individual will always be a catalyst for conflict. This of course is reminiscent of many democracies, whichever leader rose to prominence in Punjab needed not only to subdue the confederacies but also demolish the old system. The catalyst for a new leader surprisingly was provided by the confederacies themselves. By this point in time all 11 had united against each other and were allying themselves with tributaries and kingdoms outside Punjab. It was to prevent an encroachment of external tributaries that the Kaniheyas and Sukarchakias bonded together in a pact. They also gave their solemn oath that if one was to attack any tributary of another confederacy, than he would share the profits with his partner. However it was not long before Mahan Singh, the ruler of the Sukarchakia confederacy, decided to break the pact. He along with his battalions attacked Kashmir and subdued its rulers, along with looting the state. This did not sit well with the Kaniheyas who decided to retaliate by crushing the Sukarchakias for once and for all. To this end Jai Singh sent his heir and son Gurbax Singh to attack Mahan Singh, who on the other hand allied himself with Jassa Singh Ramgarhia and Chief Sansar Chand. The battle which followed has gone down in history as the battle of Batala. Friend and foe alike slaughtered each other in a feast of blood and metal, steel clashed on steel and warriors thundered massive war cries as they charged at each other. Ultimately the fate of the battle was decided after the untimely demise of Gurbax Singh. The Kaniheyas were defeated, and the Sukarchakias, along with the Ramgarhias, carried the day. For many Sikhs at the time this was only another battle in a never-ending chain of battles. Yet this was the long-awaited catalyst needed for a refurbishment of Sikh sovereignty. When Jai Singh received news of his sons death, he instantly handed the reins of the Kaniheyas to his daughter-in-law, Sada Kaur. Not only did she gain a position of prominence in a much feared confederacy, but also became commander-in-chief of the said confederacys military power. It was expected that she, being possessed of a valorous spirit, would clash with Mahan Singh who was responsible for her husbands early demise; but she surprised even her most vocal critics when she sued for peace. Sada Kaur had seen Mahan Singhs young son, the prince Ranjit Singh. The boy, despite being in his teens, was extensively shrewd and heavily cunning. He also possessed great perseverance and strength of character, which was lacking in other potential confederate heirs. He had been a victim of chicken-pox on his birth, but had survived its initial effects. However as a result he was blind in one eye and was not much of a sight to view, yet despite these handicaps he had trained himself to become one of the best horsemen in Asia and was an expert in firing from a moving stead. Furthermore he was also possessed of a strong desire to see a reconstruction of the Punjab political scene; however he needed a strong mentor to keep him on track. Mahan Singh was constantly embroiled in his own conflicts, and the young Ranjit was often left to his own devices. He had already proved himself to be an apt general, and this combined with many other factors convinced Sada Kaur to betroth her daughter to him. Hence by the time Mahan Singh died, in 1792, Sada Kaur and Ranjit Singh had already discussed their plans to change the face of Punjab permanently. On one hand were the united Kaniheya and Sukarchakia confederacies, whilst on the other hand were the individual confederacies. Despite their differences, with each other, the confederacies at any given time could unite against the Kaniheya-Sukarchakia alliance and uproot it. To prevent this Sada Kaur and Ranjit Singh launched quick successive attacks on each and every confederacy. It was soon becoming evident to the confederates that Ranjit Singh would bring about their downfall if he was not stopped. But just as Lenin and his God, communism, became an unstoppable force in Imperial Russia; so too did Ranjit Singh in a divided Punjab. He was hell-bent on re-designing the commonwealth of Punjab and was not willing to let any obstacles interfere with his vision. To this end by the time he was in his twenties, he had succeeded in subduing 9 confederacies and only two remained. It is not known why he never pursued his course with Shahida. Maybe he was fearful of its legendary battle prowess, or respectful of its generals and commanders-in-chief. Whatever the reason, even up till his death he did not enter into any debate or conflict with Shahida. The Bhangi confederacy on the other hand was a different matter. They had been responsible for his fathers early demise and also controlled Lahore, which had been won back from Zaman Shah. Also in their possession was the Zamzama the most feared cannon in that part of Asia at the time. To this end and entranced by the prospect of gaining the economic capital of the state, Ranjit Singh planned an all-out attack. One which if he won guaranteed him absolute power over Punjab. Unbeknownst to him, however, was the fact that most of Lahores population wanted him to capture the city. It had become a heavily fought over region due to the confederacy in-fighting and Ranjit Singh presented it with the prospect of peace, in a long time. Other factors too convinced the residents of Lahore that Ranjit Singh was the right ruler for them. He wanted to rule solely, this would prevent an outbreak of internal conflict in the future as was the case with the confederacies. Not only did he want to become a sole figure of power, he was also possessed of extreme cunning. Rather than execute his vanquished opponents, he would grant them employment in his court and was also planning on extending Punjab. To this end he was eyeing China, Nepal, Tibet, Afghanistan and what remained of the Indian sub-continent. Thus not only was he expanding his empire, he was also giving it a strong political legacy. Disillusioned with a democratic-confederate state he had decided to take the burden of ruling solely on his own head. Such a man, the residents of Lahore reasoned, was worthy of power. Finally the day arrived which would decide the fate of the confederacies, 7th July 1799. Would democracy be victorious, or a dictatorial monarchy? The question hung heavy in the tense atmosphere. The Bhangis had extensive military equipment, and were expert tacticians. Ranjit Singh on the other hand had Sada Kaur and an army composed of high-spirited and valorous soldiers. By nightfall the fate of Lahore, and the confederacies as a result, was decided. Lahore had fallen. Ranjit Singh had succeeded in his designs to wipe out the confederacies and their democracy. The year 1799 finally announced a change in Punjabs fortunes and the birth of an empire which would stand on par with the undefeatable British Empire. This fall of the Sikh confederacies however is not solely intended to be a lesson in gaining allies and military victories. It is reminiscent of many political frameworks today. Democracy, which is accepted as being an epitome of equality, is increasingly distancing itself from its real purpose. Thus there is an increasing disillusion with the system, even within its fundamentalist supporters. How equal is an individual in a democracy? Is the main question. Democracy has mutated into nothing more than a battleground for the elite few. Whereas at first the Sikh confederacies listened to their citizens, and pursued courses in a collective manner, as time progressed they became heavily embroiled in their own personal matters and forgot the common-good. Once more the common man was left with no course to resort to, as the very leaders who he selected and supported turned against his welfare. Even today a majority of nations pursue a theoretically democratic policy, but in reality are battlegrounds of the elite; who have been granted the right to rule over the common man by the common man himself. Thus what the global village needs now, nay requires now, is a new form of governorship. Similar to Ranjit Singh wiping out the vestiges of the confederacy, a contemporary Ranjit Singh needs to vanquish the remnants of democracy and replace it with a much better system. One can argue, via a devils advocates perspective, that everything man creates is doomed to failure. But one can also argue that what man creates is subject to evolution, and democracy has long overstayed its own evolution.
  2. To begin: Why do I post stuff like this: Most are scared not of 'death' but of a 'charge' for which they do 'time' knowing 'law I know with god's will I can always beat the charge; the only alternative is to kill me, which is w.e To start The facts: 1. System exists with our consent. 2. The system is based on a lie. 3. A lie always has some truth in it 4. A lie cannot ever win against the truth 5. A truth is a more efficient and stronger version of a lie (read on this is an edit in ref. to a point about system can't fight itself and a point later on at end of situation section). Preamble: The real rulers and elites are those with IMF, world bank, etc. the ones who control money. Countries using a fiat currency are by definition bankrupt, as their currency is not backed by anything. This is why they freely give away their wares, and have people signing up as wards of a corporation (non-living entity). A corporation does not have to be commercial in nature. Therefore, aiming at the government is not the long target but is the main one to do. With Raaj you can control your financial system. There is not a government conspiracy, any conspiracy is at a much-much higher level. (no conspiracy, bankers know how money works i.e just a signature but just keep it hidden from public, and restrict banks from exhanging promisorry notes for 'dollars' as an example) TL;DR Government doesn't rule, and while taking down alone is an effort; using even peaceful but offensive methods (prosecution, liens, etc.) numbers much higher than most terrorist cells are not required (3-4 per town/district targeting highest people). However, just like insurgencies mass support is required and the more the merrier. The knowledge must be spread, or you turn into high-value easy to take-down targets yourselves. Section 1: The Government: 1. If we analyze the government we see that the shield of ignorance cast over our eyes, is on their eyes as well. I would doubt if cm's knew about the real nature of law, or even the Indian constitution as India being a very connected, and young country has not had time to build a political class that is socially separated from the people the same way as Canada for example. The rural nature of the country could also account for this. (i.e governmental workers are much more known and connected to poplace than other places) (apne are with them). TL;DR they are not smarter than you. 2. The untouchability the higher-ups feel will put them in legal trouble, as they may they do not need to reply to legal notices. 3. They are incompetent. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peter_Principle 4. While they are corrupt and incompetent, they are not knowingly working against themselves. I.e will not purposely promote duffars if they can help it. 5. They are already selfish people, with corrupt interests and 'There is no honor among thieves'. Easy to make them fight against each other. See 6 6. The system, (government) is designed like any corporation, with limited liability in mind. However, you are ALWAYS personally liable for any crimes you commit. See 7 for why this is important. 7. It is the default course of action, to discard a worker who is too expensive in up-keep (i.e scandals, too much cases against, liens, etc.) 8. Previous cases etc. have not worked because the system is designed to handle small amounts of dis-content. 9. Channels to vent dis-content and dis-arm it exist in all places no exceptions (all countries). (I.e regulatory bodies, de facto statutory courts, etc.) 10. These are only to mis-lead, and mis-direct people in order to dissuade them from acknowledging and realizing their own range (i.e can target top to bottom, anyone, anytime, everywhere). (Shastar Vidhiya: Understand Range) 11. System is designed to function regardless of leader-ship changes, and power is spread throughout to mitigate disaster’s such Indira/Rajiv killings. Strategy: An armed populace (both knowledge, and physical) who is able to overwhelm the walls of the system is the best course of action. This group must be ever open, and expanding in order to prevent a complete clamp/stamp down of it. A traditional structure of intelligent leaders, and dumbed down recruits will not work as each must be able to to conquer alone. (sava lakh seh ek). Cannot discount value of moral victories, and structures must be in place in order to train new people who join as it is much harder to teach a person gyan than it is to load rockets, and bullets. The system has worked by being rigid and un-moving, a principle that has earned it respect and fear in the eyes of people; it is not designed to be able to counter a threat which is directly a more refined version of itself i.e using focused over-whelming force, to destroy leaders while sparing followers who are not immediate threat. They themselves after slowly having their turtle break away, will submit and come to you giving you rule. At thatpoint, it is up to the Sikh to make correct decision based on gurmat. An example of this is, Baba Baghel Singh and Delhi. Situation: The MO of government has changed from being overwhelmingly based on violence, as it runs contrary to the myths and assumptions this society is based on. Also, a west vs. easy dichotomy is there with India acting alone but wanting/needing to stay on west's side and vice-versa. They play off each other, India acting a bit nicer, west a bit meaner to give a world-wide view of 'democracy'. I hope my points have come across, I'm tired and I understand what my next correct actions have to be (hopefully). Past that, I hope you understand you have to start in your own neighborhood, in order to gain skills, experience, and people. Realize everything is connected, and that an ounce of freedom in Canada is worth a pound elsewhere. --- The system is the same everywhere, same structure same EVERYTHING. Everything, is connected so breaking it here, breaks it elsewhere. However, we don't have to free the world to free the Khalsa (or The Punjab) as we are people of unlimited liability free in their actions and therefore able to have focus, and vision. The system, is more like a hammer able only to strike out at random, and the actions people within that structure are able to take are limited by: 1. their own morals vs. situation 2. their posts 3. public support, etc. We don't need the support of the public, or any of that as Truth always wins vs. lies. -- When I said before that system is not designed to win against a better version of itself, I meant that a lie always has some truth in it, but can never stand up to the whole thing. VJKVJF Can't find original white paper anymore read it a few months ago: http://apdforum.com/en_GB/article/rmiap/articles/online/features/2012/04/05/india-terror-strategy edit - this may be http://journals.hil.unb.ca/index.php/jcs/article/view/4293/4888 what I read not sure now, but yea just google counter-insurgency doctrine to see how they will deal with this stuff. Paper details here: kept at bottom to improve readability of my own points: which uses a four point strategy for counter-insurgency: 1. Suspend demo gov. start president rule Reason: Respect/Fear from stable centre rule, as well as the obvious things (deploy force, etc.) because of internal processes see 11. 2. Flood area with security forces Reason: Forces severely under-budgeted, under-equipped, and under-trained. Do nothing more than resort to thuggery, and eventually something happens. Also, fun-times for commanders and show of force to rest of public for respect/fear in order to win support for continued budget increases. Third point, to limit AO of insurgents see point 3 3. Target Militant Leaders but spare followers Reason: Causes dis-array, and lowers morale as often the most knowledgeable ones are the leaders, and due to point 2 as well as infrastructure of country avg. people are not at full potential. (true with any army, including lok sabha) 4. Force elections, return to 'normalcy' Reason: Show of power, that I can do this and that. To exhaust people mentally, not full analysis. It's their own bs pretty much, can look at it in many ways: army, and police want new kind of females to do mass rapes of, they want 'democracy', keep out of eye of western public, w.e w.e They act without reason, they are still human, and due to being sheltered and focused on tyranny the saying that criminals have low iq applies. What is definition of insurgency: Let us define it as actions taken to change and/or topple the current infrastructure and government. Therefore, a peaceful action such as prosecuting police officers with a certain mind-state is in fact insurgency. edit- Spelling edit2- Dam, word messed up my formatting fixed now hopefully but not orig way I meant it to read. :C
  3. If Khalistan became independent tomorrow, what would daily life be like within the country?
  4. Source: http://www2.macleans.ca/2013/02/02/welcome-to-my-world/ The article sheds some light on the dealings of Jason Kenney, Canada's Minister of Citizenship, Immigration, and Multiculturalism, with the Sikh community. It also gives insight into what Minister Jason Kenney really thinks about the 1984 Sikh Genocide and the Sikh movement for Khalistan. Some parts of the article innacurately describe the details of the Vaisakhi "celebration". There were no people dancing, the "traditional Indian beat" is likely referring to the dhol used for gatka, and there was definitely no chicken present. ______________________________________________________________________________________________ Last year, L’actualité, the sister publication to Maclean’s in Quebec, got unprecedented access to Canada’s Immigration Minister Jason Kenney. Chief political reporter Alec Castonguay was given a rare behind-the-scenes look at the man who is arguably most responsible for delivering the Conservatives a majority in the last federal election and who is remaking the nation’s immigration policy. This is an edited, translated version of the story that appeared in the magazine and as a L’actualité ebook. Jason Kenney scans the dense crowd of roughly 20,000 Sikh Canadians in traditional dress and multicoloured turbans here to mark Vaisakhi—the annual celebration commemorating the foundation of this community originally from India’s northeast. Sitting cross-legged on the thin grey carpeting covering the enormous stage, the minister is inwardly cringing. He doesn’t like what he sees. In front of him, a dozen yellow and blue Khalistan flags are splitting the crowd near the podium, held by men fighting the hot early May sun in T-shirts. The man at the mic, speaking Punjabi, suddenly speeds up and radicalizes his tone. He speaks of genocide, of violent clashes and of the independence of Khalistan—a country that a faction of Sikh nationalists would like to carve from India. It’s too much. Kenney, who’s picked up some Punjabi since becoming minister of citizenship, immigration and multiculturalism in 2008, stands mid-sentence, crosses the room and exits as three baffled Conservative MPs look on, unsure whether or not they should follow. At the bottom of the steps, Kenney puts his shoes back on and raises his hand as if to rip off the orange bandana that all visitors wear inside Rexdale’s Sikh Spiritual Centre. He takes a deep breath, and restrains himself. A Sikh organizer approaches, looking contrite. “You are trying to exploit my presence here,” Kenney shouts, his stare fixed on the man in a white turban. “This is not a civilized way to behave. I warned you, and you did it anyway. I am aware that you would like to entertain the Prime Minister next year. You can forget it. He won’t be coming.” The minister makes his way to the exit, the Sikh organizer fast on his heels, apologizing profusely. It had all started so well 25 minutes earlier. The party was in full swing. People sang and danced in all corners to a traditional Indian beat. Hundreds of children played in inflatable games erected along the four-lane street. Smells of spices and roast chicken tickled the nostrils. Kenney took the stage with compliments reserved for a guest of honour. At the microphone he shouted a well-timed greeting: “Bole sonai hai? Sat siri akal!” Thousands of people responded: “Sat siri akal!” (The Sikh greeting roughly translates to: “Who stands up for truth?,” to which the crowd responds, “We stand up for truth, God is the ultimate truth!”) The minister had bragged of the government’s achievements, including the creation, at the heart of the ministry of Foreign Affairs, of an office of religious freedoms to promote and defend all faiths. He highlighted that Vaisakhi is now a Canadian tradition because it is celebrated every year on Parliament Hill in Ottawa. It was after his speech, once he was seated, that the Khalistan flags suddenly appeared. At the entrance, several long minutes pass before the minister’s driver pulls up in his black Nissan SUV. As we sit down, Kenney turns to me. “I am so sorry,” he says in French. He finally pulls off his bandana and explains that Sikh nationalists are now waging their war in Canada. They hope to convince the roughly 450,000 Canadians of Sikh origin, the majority of whom live in the suburbs of Toronto and Vancouver, to put pressure on their families still in India, but also on the Canadian government, to support their demands. They want Ottawa to recognize a genocide in which Sikhs were victims, in 1984 in India. “It was an extremist speech,” he says. “I had to leave the room, otherwise the community would think I endorse such a campaign. Certain groups have sometimes tried to wield my prominence to advance their cause. I have to be vigilant at all times. They shouldn’t be encouraged to reproduce, in Canada, the tensions of their homelands.” It’s a message he reiterates to new immigrants from China and Tibet, Greece and Turkey, Israel and Iran. He glances out the window and sighs. “Welcome to my world.” He could just as easily have said “my worlds,” given how dramatically Canada’s new immigrant and multicultural canvas is growing and diversifying—it now includes almost 200 languages. More than 250,000 new immigrants arrive in Canada every year; in 2010, that number hit 280,000, the equivalent of 0.8 per cent of the population—the highest proportion of any industrialized country, followed by Great Britain and Germany (at 0.7 per cent each). Inevitably, this has brought profound political change. Kenney is at the forefront of these changes. His objective: understanding, seducing and attracting ethnic communities to the Conservative party, an electorate once taken for granted by the Liberal Party of Canada. He has shaken thousands of hands, put away hundreds of very spicy meals and pulled off his shoes an incalculable number of times in entering mosques, temples or integration centres to give speeches. His methods are old school, far removed from social networks, where human contact, proximity and the fight for values undertaken by the Conservative party have gradually won over a large number of new Canadians. In the halls of government, it is plainly acknowledged: Kenney is the architect of the Conservative majority, having worked discreetly, yet tirelessly, for the past five years to build bridges with Canada’s ethnic communities. It’s a success that Britain’s Conservative Party would like to replicate, and that the U.S. Republican party, after its electoral drubbing in November, is cautiously eyeing. It’s meticulous work, long and complex. With the patience of a Buddhist monk, the minister has had to figure out the subtleties of every community and learn its traditions in order to navigate competing demands and interests. It was no accident that after Justin Trudeau formally declared his intention to run for Liberal leader last October, his first destinations were Richmond, B.C., and Mississauga, Ont., two cities with heavy immigrant populations. Both had been Liberal ridings conquered by the Conservatives. In their way, Kenney, 44, and Trudeau, 40, represent the future of their parties. And as they fight on this same battlefield, Kenney is putting everything on the line . He could become the next leader of the Canadian conservative movement. Kenney’s longevity and the scope of his reforms have surprised experts. “Immigration generally gets inherited by a junior minister with no real presence, anxious to trade up for a better cabinet post,” says Stephan Reichhold, director of an immigrant support network in Quebec. “Kenney is practically a deputy prime minister. He has been there for four years and has undertaken an unending number of reforms. Some are good, others are very ideological.” Not bad for a guy who was barely interested in the politics of immigration before 2006 and wanted nothing to do with that role in cabinet. The young Alberta MP had even refused the role of immigration critic when the Tories were in opposition. “I saw the enormous pressure and the very delicate handling of complex politics the job required. Even when we took power, I wanted to run screaming when the Prime Minister talked to me about it,” Kenney recalls. Stephen Harper convinced him with an argument that resonated: the very future of the conservative movement in Canada depended on it. Just before forming his first cabinet in early 2006, Harper met with Kenney in a hotel suite in Ottawa. “Do you remember the conversation we had in October 1994?” he asked. Kenney remembered it perfectly. On that chilly fall day, the Reform party congress had just wrapped up in the capital and Harper, a newly elected MP of just 35, was sipping a beer at the Royal Oak Pub on Bank Street when Kenney went over to him. The two men knew each other because Kenney, despite his 26 years, was already heading the Canadian Taxpayers Federation. Kenney laid out his theory: the division of the conservative movement between the Reform party and the Progressive Conservative party wasn’t the right’s only problem. “Even with a united right,” he said, “conservatism has peaked. Votes are becoming stagnant.” Conservatives, he added, would have to cross the “final frontier”: that of immigrants. “Look at demographic trends—it’s the future. Immigrants have the same values as us, we have to talk to them, to convince them.” Harper, skeptical, responded that this very liberal segment of the population would never vote Conservative. Better, in his opinion, to focus on native-born Canadians. When, 12 years later, Harper took power at the helm of a minority government, he proposed that Kenney pursue the mission that he had defined, without quite realizing it, beer in hand, in an Ottawa bar. “Prove to me that I was wrong,” the Prime Minister challenged him. He named him prime minister’s parliamentary secretary and secretary of state for multiculturalism, with a double mandate. The first, more political role requires that he make sure new immigrants integrate well. “People have to be able to conserve their identity as they are becoming integral parts of Canada,” Harper told him. “Multiculturalism cannot lead to the ghettoization of immigrants.” The other mandate is partisan: becoming the link between the government and cultural communities in order to increase the party’s odds of success in the next election. Kenney came to understand the magnitude of the task in March 2006, during one of his first meetings in his new role. A leader from the Korean community of Vancouver, a respected doctor, squarely asked him why Conservatives are racist and anti-immigration. Surprised, Kenney shot back that it was former prime minister John Diefenbaker who eliminated racial discrimination in the selection of immigrants, in 1962. Then he launched into a speech about the values they share: family, a strong work ethic, the fight against criminality. The Korean listened to him for a few minutes, then interrupted him. If the Korean community had voted for the NDP and the Liberals in Vancouver, he said, it was because those MPs helped immigrants settle and find housing. They became the face of Canadian authority. “Elected officials take part in our celebrations, they’re present in our media.” For Kenney, a light went on. “It woke me up,” he says. “I understood that I would have to be everywhere at all times. Personal contact is crucial for new immigrants.” Ever since then, the minister has been on the road three weekends out of four. Some Sundays, in Toronto, Vancouver or Montreal, he takes part in as many as 20 cultural activities, starting at dawn in a temple and ending in darkness at a partisan reception. “In the last election campaign, I’d done so many that I became confused: I bowed to the wrong God in a church. I looked completely ridiculous,” he admits, laughing. He only spends one day a month in his home riding of Calgary Southeast, which he’s represented since 1997. That didn’t stop him from being re-elected in 1997 with 76 per cent of the vote and a crushing lead of 42,000 votes—one of the country’s best results. “My voters understand that I work for the Conservative cause and that I have a full schedule,” Kenney says. It’s a rhythm he manages to maintain, but it doesn’t stop him from bottoming out from time to time. “When I see the weekend arrive with 20 or 25 scheduled events—not counting travel—I sometimes feel a profound fatigue take over. I have to motivate myself by thinking that every gesture will count over the long term,” he says. It’s also a physical challenge. “People from the communities like to touch you, to embrace you, to hug you, and physical contact isn’t my strong suit.” The minister has neither wife nor children. He shares his home in Alberta with his mom, Lynne, and has little time for friends or a love life. Those closest to him, however, don’t describe him as a loner. And he makes it a point to organize one or two receptions per year at his condo in Ottawa for his colleagues in government and Tory staffers. Building a trusting relationship between the government and immigrant communities has fast become Kenney’s priority. Six to 10 times per year, his team organizes “friendship days” on the Hill, where leaders from cultural communities—spiritual leaders, heads of community centres, presidents of ethnic chambers of commerce, etc.—can arrange to meet ministers of their choosing. “It gives a chance for the communities to be heard at the highest level in Ottawa, and they appreciate the gesture,” says Agop Evereklian, who was Kenney’s chief of staff from 2008 to 2010 and, until recently, chief of staff to former Montreal mayor Gerald Tremblay. That access, however, makes teeth grind on the Hill. “They receive unfair treatment—effectively unofficial lobbying,” says one civil servant who requested anonymity. The Kenney team has established itself as cabinet’s go-to brain trust on ethnic communities. They coordinate all the Prime Minister’s press releases to highlight different cultural holidays (Diwali, Vaisakhi, Yom Kippur, Chinese New Year). The apology and financial compensation for the Chinese head tax and the official recognition of the Armenian and Ukrainian genocides were also handled by Kenney. “He acts as a conductor to correct historical wrongs,” says Evereklian. “It might not seem important to the majority of the population, but for the concerned communities, it’s huge.” In 2008, Kenney put in place the Community Historical Recognition Program, with a $13.5-million budget to finance commemorative projects and the erection of statues to honour key historical figures. Italian, Jewish, Indian and Chinese communities have all profited abundantly from it. Kenney insisted that all his cabinet colleagues integrate into their inner circles Canadians of immigrant stock. His own staff is one of the most multi-ethnic, with political assistants in all the big cities who make connections with community leaders. It’s a veritable spiderweb that captures information in the field and transmits it to Ottawa every day. The minister follows news first-hand by closely following the ethnic media, which he has translated and reads every morning as he wakes up. “I look at it before I read the national papers,” he says. Kenney flips through a Chinese-Canadian newspaper he bought at a corner store en route to an event in Toronto. He asks his driver, who is of Chinese descent, to translate a few headlines and practises saying in Mandarin: “Hello, I am the minister of immigration.” His driver gives a full-throated laugh and tries to correct the accent of the minister, who is also enjoying himself. “Don’t you go making me look like an <banned word filter activated>,” Kenney says. “I’m counting on you.” The minister’s car stops in front of the Lucky Moose Food Mart on Dundas Street. A two-foot-tall pink moose guards the entrance. In 2009, the store made headlines when its owner, David Chen, took justice into his own hands when he caught a shoplifter red-handed. After a scuffle, he tied him up before calling police. The thief filed assault charges. The NDP and Conservatives took the opportunity to draft a bill to permit store owners to use “reasonable force” against intruders without facing charges. Today, photographers and journalists from the community wait for Kenney. He greets them in Mandarin, and buys a bottle of water and two more Chinese papers. He shakes Chen’s hand. Flashing cameras capture the moment. “We have kept our word,” he says. “We passed your bill into law.” Chen, who speaks broken English, contents himself with a smile. Later, Kenney tells me: “That story made a lot of noise in the Chinese press in Canada. That’s where I first heard about it.” From 2006 to 2011, the number of Canadians who speak Mandarin jumped 51 per cent. There are now three daily papers published in the language in the country, not to mention TV news programs, weekly magazines and websites. There is similar growth with every ethnic community, be they Indian, Korean, Ukrainian or Filipino. “Previously, the Conservative party was completely absent,” Kenney says. He turns the page of the newspaper, where he sees a photo of NDP Leader Thomas Mulcair at an event with the Chinese community in Richmond, in suburban Vancouver. “He seems to understand that this is important,” Kenney notes. In the downtown Toronto riding of Trinity-Spadina, with its significant immigrant population, the minister is greeted by honking horns as he walks the sidewalk. People stop to talk to him. A woman in her 20s insists he is as well-known in the Chinese community as Justin Bieber. “I can walk for hours in Calgary without being recognized, but not here,” he says. Olivia Chow, the local New Democrat MP and widow of Jack Layton, admits that Kenney’s work forces MPs from other parties in ridings with sizable immigrant populations to “watch their backs.” “He’s a political animal,” she says. “He’s always there at the right moment, and his photo winds up in the papers.” In Kenney’s office, everything is carefully planned. Less than a month before the last election campaign, his director of multicultural affairs, Kasra Nejatian, sent a letter to MPs and Conservative operatives asking them to quickly collect $200,000 for an ethnic media ad buy. With a total value of $378,000, it had to launch March 20, 2011, the date of the first match in the Cricket World Cup, a popular event in Asia. Attached to the mailout was a 21-page document titled: “Breaking through: Building the Conservative brand in cultural communities.” Aimed at the Chinese, Jewish, Ukrainian and South Asian communities, the document outlined the Conservative strategy. “If Greater Toronto’s South Asians formed their own city, it would be the third-largest city in the country,” it read. The take-away points were neatly summed up: “There are lots of ethnic voters. There will be quite a few more soon. They live where we need to win.” Once charmed, the document added, ethnic communities could stay loyal for a very long time. Ten “very ethnic” ridings—where immigrants represent more than 20 per cent of the population—were targeted in pre-election Conservative advertising: four in Ontario, four in B.C., one in Quebec and one in Manitoba. On election day, May 2, the Conservative party won seven of them. The partisan document was printed on the official letterhead of Kenney’s ministry office—a point that drives New Democrat MP Pat Martin crazy. In this, he sees the perfect example of a government that has forgotten its neutrality and has thrown itself into serving the party’s political machine. “They violated all the rules in using government resources to solicit money for a party campaign,” says Martin. “It’s shocking. The minister should have resigned over it.” Certain colleagues compare Kenney to a beaver, not just because of his slightly round frame or his patriotism but because he never stops working. By the time his assistants get to the office at 7 a.m., the minister is already there. And at 8 p.m., when they head home, Kenney leaves the Hill and heads to Laurier Street in downtown Ottawa, to his second office at the Immigration ministry. He heads to the 21st floor, closes the door, plugs his iPod into the stereo and listens to classical music or Gregorian chants as he reads his files, which are sometimes delicate—notably cases where a person is being deported from the country and he has the power to authorize a reprieve. It’s generally during this second phase of his workday that he receives a call from 24 Sussex Drive. The Prime Minister often takes a few minutes, late in the night, to consult with Kenney (neither man sleeps much). The minister rarely heads home to his condo before midnight. Devoted to his work, at ease with media (he is one of few anglophone ministers to give interviews in French), Kenney has gradually become one of Ottawa’s most influential ministers, along with John Baird at Foreign Affairs and Jim Flaherty at Finance. He sits on the cabinet committee on priorities and planning, the only committee to meet weekly to formulate government strategy. “He is one of very few ministers to command Harper’s total faith,” says a source close to them both. The Toronto Marathon is paralyzing traffic this day, annoying Kenney, who likes to keep his schedule rolling. “Push back all appointments by 20 minutes, otherwise we’ll never make it,” he tells his assistant. The car moves at a snail’s pace as we cross Parkdale-High Park, one of Hogtown’s most important immigrant landing grounds. Through the window, the minister takes the time to show me around the disadvantaged riding represented by New Democrat Peggy Nash. He knows these communities, and their habits, by heart. There, a Vietnamese community centre; here, a Polish Catholic Church; there, two Romas pushing a shopping cart. All along King Street, it’s a Canada belonging to new immigrants and refugees, often disoriented and troubled. He pulls out the previous day’s Globe and Mail, which launched a series on immigration. The article states that Canada should be admitting one million new immigrants per year—four times what it now admits—to fuel economic growth. “That’s insanity,” says Kenney. “You need to allow people time to integrate. They need good salaries, good-quality jobs, not just quantity.” Above all, you need to consider perceptions, he adds, citing a recent Angus Reid poll that showed nearly one Canadian out of two (46 per cent) believes that immigration has a negative effect on the country—a five-point jump in a year. Almost 39 per cent of respondents believe immigration should stay at current levels, and 38 per cent think it should be reduced. “I need to assure myself that Canadians continue to have confidence in the system,” he says. “Immigration is an asset, but prejudices run deep. Opening the floodgates won’t help new Canadians.” Does Kenney have ambitions to succeed Harper? Among Conservative activists and party faithful, there is no doubt: Kenney will be waiting in the wings. His bilingualism and the formidable network he’s built at the heart of ethnic communities will be his greatest assets. Another indication of his intentions: he’s established a vast database to keep in contact with activists. A few times a year, they receive an email from Kenney outlining his achievements. Evereklian wouldn’t be surprised if Kenney took a run at the top job. “But he will never talk about it,” he says. “If anyone brings it up in his presence, he gets angry and puts the person in their place.” In an interview, Kenney carefully qualifies his answer, without closing the door. “I’m too busy to think about it. In Stephen Harper, we have the most efficient leader the conservative movement has ever seen, and he will be there a long time. It’s not possible for me to be good at my work if I think of that.” On a hot afternoon, in an industrial park in Mississauga, Kenney has been listening for more than 30 minutes to a dull speech from a Buddhist priest, sitting on the ground in the tiny Mahadhammika Temple of the Burmese community—which welcomes 500 refugees to Toronto every year. The minister finally gets up, a knowing smile spreading across his face. He starts by highlighting that Canada spent $35 million in 2010 to help Burma rebuild after a horrific typhoon. He repeats that Aung San Suu Kyi, celebrated figure of Burma’s democrats, was named an honorary Canadian by the Harper government. And then he delivers the goods: in his car, on the way to the temple, Kenney approved the refugee status of Burmese opposition leader Ler Wah Lo Bo, who arrived in Canada in 2002, but whose status was uncertain because of his contentious past in Burma. Screams and clapping shake the small prayer room, which is better used to Buddhist calm. Later, back in the car, Kenney notes the Conservatives won 24 of 25 suburban Toronto ridings: “Without the support of the ethnic communities, we could never have done that.” The Conservatives estimate that they captured 42 per cent of the country’s ethnic vote last election—more than 30 per cent of their total vote, and more than any other party. “I have no intention of stopping now.” A source close to the Prime Minister admits that the day after the election, many believed Kenney would change ministries and be given a promotion for his service to the cause. But the idea never crossed Harper’s mind. “He had too many important reforms under way, and the message sent to the cultural communities would be all wrong. After having courted and then obtained their vote, we take away their champion? No.” Although he sometimes wishes for a change of scene and a new challenge, Kenney refuses to complain. The minister feels the Conservative cause needs his efforts. After 15 minutes on the road, the car nears yet another event. Multicoloured turbans are more and more numerous. He starts listing the cities in suburban Toronto and Vancouver: Brampton, Mississauga, Richmond, Surrey, Etobicoke. A big part of the 30 seats that will be added to the House by the next election, in 2015, will come from these rapidly growing, increasingly multi-ethnic regions. He smiles. “It should be very good for us,” he says, taking a step toward the turbans.
  5. A very bold essay of sorts. If only Indians can read this and improve themselves. Sikhs have been gracing Indian jails with their presence since the nation's official inception during the British period. They have been no stranger to the brutal human rights violations which continue even uptill this day in the world's largest democracy. The figures for Sikhs in jails increased on the onset of the Khalistan movement. Whether militant or civilian, the law herded them into prisons (which by this point in time had become virtual slaughterhouses) without any discrimination. One recent prisoner who has set the Sikh nation aflame once more, with a desire to cast off the Indian yoke, is Balwant Singh Rajoana. Rajoana's case has many points which are beneficial to the judiciary and polity in any nation. An ex-cop he, along with Babbar Khalsa militants and one other accomplice, assassinated the chief minister of Punjab via suicide jacket in 1995. Those living at the time still remember the C.M. Beant Singh's state sponsored terrorism which resulted in the death of more than 50,000 Sikhs irrespective of age and gender. It was to stop this never-ending carnage that Balwant Singh took the step of assassinating him. Balwant Singh Rajoana. Of course it has extensively been argued, by the Indian judiciary that he (Balwant Singh) had anti-social motives in assassinating the C.M. Not only did he blow the C.M. to kingdom come but also 17 other armed personnel. On one hand this same Indian judiciary pays obeisance to the so-called heroes of the Indian mutiny, who indiscriminately butchered white women and children in the name of independence and patriotism. Given Singh might have maimed and crippled 17 others who were doing their duty, but again sacrifices have to be made in the line of duty to one's faith. Armed personnel often represent and protect the very institutes which deprive individuals of their rights. They themselves know the risks involved in their occupations, it might not be their doing that they became soldiers and guards yet it is up to them whether to have a conscience or not. In this case the 17 chose duty above humanity and paid the price, which of course any soldier would pay including both revolutionaries and militants. The big question which hits one after reading about Singh, is why he did what he did? What was in store for him other than 27 years of his life wasted in a third-world jail. He gained no monetary benefit through his action, on the contrary his family became deprived of any finance they possessed since his incarceration. For 17 years the Sikh nation and the world forgot about him, leaving him to fester in solitary confinement. Yet the man himself never lost his sanity and valor Despite losing his own future and a prosperous one at that, he is happy to at least have granted millions of others a chance at living. Of course the Indian state has extensively repeated promises to grant justice to the Sikh nation for the horrors of the 80's, but each and every time an opportunity has been presented for it to make it's words come true it has absconded. The sophisticated Hindu majority itself is baying for the blood of any Sikh who goes against it's illusion of "one Hindu nation, for the Hindus." Opportunity arrived in the form of the Sikh nation's demand for Singh's release, but the same cliche manifested itself once more and the Indians turned the tide. What was not surprising, for many individuals who have seen this cycle being played out in India continually, was the extensive media and political campaigns which were undertaken by the state against the Sikhs in response to the Sikh demand. The Akalis, the Sikh political party, were blamed for whipping up the Sikh community in a frenzy order to gain easy votes on the heels of Hindu-Sikh violence. What is important to note is Hindu-Sikh. Where the Hindu's dominance and pull over the Sikhs is reassured. Furthermore Sikhs were presented as being vulgar and stupid with no sense of their own good. It seems than, according to Indian logic, that at least 90% of Punjab's 12 million Sikh community must be highly stupid and incapable of taking care of itself. Furthermore Singh's image was presented in the same light which Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale's image was presented in during the 80's. That of a charismatic but fascist leader. Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. Another question which rises, from the Balwant Singh situation, is that what is a proletariat supposed to do when the state itself condemns and persecutes him without fair reason? Does he do what Balwant Singh and countless other militants do, or does he wait for the proper channels to open up while suffering under the state's power? For those who lived under Beant Singh's reign Balwant Singh's actions are justified. Since the 50's the state had shut it's eyes regarding Sikh matters. Punjab, where the community resided, became the state's toy; to dispose of at it's will. It was split, it's possessions and territories unlawfully snatched away and the state was not even aloud to state itself as a Punjabi speaking state. Even today the land of the five rivers is derived of it's rivers. To protest this the Sikh polity, and the common man launched a massive agitation which the Indian state presented as being detrimental to Hindu rights and a challenge to Hindu sovereignty. This had the effect of a massive genocide being launched on the Sikh population in India, by the 80's this covert genocide had succeeded to such an extent that the Sikh faith was all but finished from Punjab. Unfortunately for the Indian state though, it's policy makers had not studied Sikh history. When the faith is poised on the brink of extinction, it is then it rears it's head and strikes at the foe. The ultimate catalyst for a Sikh revival came in the form of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. His name and image was slowly demolished and re-moulded into that of a terrorist by the Indian state controlled media. To such an extent that he was finally labelled as "Killer of All Hindus." To stop this killer a massive and murderous attack was launched on the Punjab, by the state, which resulted in the deaths of many Sikhs and Hindus. Jarnail Singh on the other hand cautioned the Sikh nation from retaliating rashly and to only counter-attack by targeting guilty politicians and armed personnel. Finally under the pretext of defeating terrorism Operations Bluestar, and Wood-rose were launched in Punjab which resulted in the deaths of more than 3 million Sikhs. All this justified by stating "Hindus have to defend Hinduism. Indians have to defend India." This situation continued until the mid-90's when Balwant Singh assassinated the C.M. At the time of the assassination state sponsored terrorism was at it's peak in Punjab. The Sikh freedom movement was all but over due to mass infiltration by the Indian intelligence agencies, and lawlessness ran rife. What is surprising is that all this was being done by a government, and a politician who was only voted into power by less than 5% of Punjab's population. Thus not only did the state fan the flames of a genocide but also add fuel to it. If the state truly had been concerned about it's citizens, it would have surely listened to them. Yet it takes a loud noise to make the deaf hear. Rajoana provided the last bang in the 90's. But did his actions, and did those of his accomplices achieve anything? Did they prove fruitful for the Sikh nation at large? There are two different perspectives to this. One, their separatist actions achieved nothing more than prolonging a bloody conflict; or two, not only did their actions result in lives saved but also ensured an uneasy peace in the state. But this leads further to other important questions. 1.) To what extent does the state, especially a democratic state, have the right to suppress the right of any specific community in its domain? 2.) Does religion control politics, in India, or do politics control religion? 3.) Do minorities have no right to decide their own futures? Are they expressly dependent on the state, and if so do they not have the rights which a citizen of the majority possesses? 4.) For a minority such as the Sikh nation, who has not signed the Indian constitution, is a secessionist state not possible? 5.) Why is the role of the state ignored by Indians, when any talk of the Sikh militancy comes up? 6.) Twenty-eight years later why has no justice been granted to the Sikh populace in North India, who suffered at the hands of the state? 7.) Can a minority exist alongside a majority, in a perverted democracy such as India? 8.) Do the victims of state sponsored terrorism have any right to defend themselves? 9.) In a democracy is state sponsored terrorism accepted as justice and keeping law-and-order? 10.) Why has the Indian state only hanged individuals who have defended themselves, and not individuals who attacked them? Bhai Balwant Singh Rajoana and Baba Surjeet Singh, jathedar Budha Dal 96crori. Of course these questions are only the tip of the proverbial iceberg, but on that note one has to wonder what parameters truly define a democracy? Is democracy truly evident of the saying "democracy is th right to decide our tyrants." Or is it (like any other man-made creation) a proverbially excellent idea which over time has become corrupt? It is now up to the Sikh nation to decide what it's future steps will be, but the impertinant need of the moment is to free not only Balwant Singh Rajoana but the countless other Sikh prisoners languishing in Indian jails since the 80's, and before. http://tisarpanth.blogspot.co.nz/2013/02/the-80s-and-rise-of-rajoana.html
  6. Remember a video which states how Bhindranawale's thugs killed innocent people? Well this is where the guy who made it got the footage from and this proves that Khalistanis helped Hindus.
  7. Dear Sikhsangat, please could this message be forwarded to anyone who may be interested in the following: With the quest for independence of Khlaistan, I have noticed that we need to be able to express this with instant recognition. Many other countries that seek independence have this and are instantly identified with their message for all people to see. With Khalistan we currently do not have this (yet), with it, it will make a great impact!!! As other nations who have seeked independce have shown. Being Catalans and Basques in Spain, Tamils in Sri Lanka, Palestinians in Israel, Chechens in Russia, Scots in UK, Kurds in Turkey/Syria/Iraq, Ibo in Nigeria, Serbs in Bosnia, Albanians in Macedonia, Tibetans and Uighurs in China, and Cabinda in Angola. They all have something in common a flag to represent their country which they want too free and be independent. With Sikhi there is the Nishan flag (orange back ground with black Khanda), this is the flag of Sikhi not Khalistan. This flag shows and represents the Sikh religion, other religions have this and are clear with this for example Christians have the flag with the cross, the Buddhist flag called the prayer flag, and Jains have the five coloured flag these all represent their WHOLE religion. The Khalistan Flag represents freedom and independence, we currently are not waving and flying this flag high enough so that we can symbolise our country for all people to see. We need something that will be recognised, familiar, and symbolises our fight for freedom. I truly believe we need to start to show this so it will put a better image, message and overall a bigger impact when people see the Khalistan flag. There is a Khalistan flag that a small number of people recognise it when used. The origin of this flag are not very clear on my search to find it out. But we have something already we serious need to use it a lot more at all Sikh events concerning Khalistan, at the moment we only using banners with Khalistan written on them. Where are our supporters of freedom? They need to be clearly seen! let us get the blue and yellow of the Khalistan flag high and visible for all to see! buy your Khalistan flags and spread the support!!! http://www.ebay.co.uk/itm/National-Flag-of-Khalistan-Sikh-Flag-/130835115999?pt=UK_Flags&hash=item1e76616fdf
  8. Yesterday a brother posted a video made by an Indian "Does being a Sikh make me a Khalistani? I think not?" Its the same old RSS, Indian terrorist propaganda revamped to make the video look good. Below the video the description section was familiar to me. Brother Bijla Singh Ji had already answered the questions raised in it more than once on his website. Many members will remember how I alerted some of them on this forum to "khalistani myths" which was just a restatement of deliberately misinterpreted facts by the Bajrang Dal. The uploader of the above said video also claims that Bhai Jaspal Singh was shouting out casteist and anti-India slogans before his death. He has provided the below video. I cannot hear what Bhai Saab is saying can anyone please clarify, after watching the video? http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BPrvOUdJjyk
  9. Sad news. Source: http://www.dailypioneer.com/state-editions/chandigarh/112000-mann-to-quit-politics-over-lack-of-funds.html Former IPS officer and president of SAD (Amritsar), Simranjit Singh Mann, who espoused the cause of the hardliners, decided to call it quits. After remaining in active politics ever since giving up his job as a Commandant of the Central Industrial Security Force (CISF) in Bombay protesting against the Operation Bluestar in 1984, Mann, along with his party Shiromani Akali Dal (Amritsar), has finally decided to give up electoral politics for “lack of funds”. The decision to “quit” the electoral politics, it is believed, was also the upshot of party’s constant dismal performance in both parliamentary and Assembly elections. “SAD (Amritsar) would not contest Lok Sabha polls or Punjab Assembly polls in the coming future. We do not have money power unlike other political parties, that made it really hard for us to match their potential,” Mann said. He added that the lack of funds eventually result in defeat of party’s candidates in one after another polls. SAD (Amritsar) is registered with the Election Commission of India as Shiromani Akali Dal (Simranjit Singh Mann) -a splinter group of the Shiromani Akali Dal. The party’s biggest success was during the 1989 parliamentary elections, when it won six seats out of 13 in Punjab, winning 29.19 per cent of the popular vote. The party also managed to bag one parliamentary seat of Sangrur constituency in 1999, out of the total share of 13 in Punjab’s kitty. After that, the party has failed to fare well in the previous two elections held in Punjab. Active supporter of Khalistan - an independent State for the Sikhs, Mann vowed to work for the cause of Sikh panth in future also. Stating that his aim would not be the Indian Parliament or Punjab Vidhan Sabha, Mann indicated that the party would participate in the Sikh bodies’ elections, including the Shiromani Gurudwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC). But how does he look at his exit from active politics? “It will be a big setback to the democratic setup of the nation. It is bad that a political party had to quit electoral process, and that because of paucity of enough funds,” said Mann. He said: “SAD (Amritsar) is based on strong ideology and is forced to opt out of the electoral politics as it does not have enough funds to woo the voters like other parties, thriving on muscle power and ill-gotten money.” Mann resigned from his last posting on June 18, 1984, in protest of Indian government troops attack on the Amritsar’s Golden Temple. He was, subsequently, dismissed in July from the Indian Police Services. Mann also went underground after learning that the Punjab police had issued a circular with shoot-to-kill orders of Mann in June 1984. He was first arrested on November 29, 1984 with four others while attempting to cross into Nepal from the State of Bihar. He spent five years in the Bhagalpur prison in solitary confinement. Having a shady past, Mann has been arrested or detained around 30 times but has never been convicted.
  10. i saw some pics of 3ho sikh who doing havan, and poojas on the ganga , is it true,is all the miri piri ac student do this, i am amritdhari singh and i wear only a sarbloh kara, and 5 kakkar, i saw they wear also stons in necks, please tell me anybody about this
  11. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0tvPRIrI_HY&feature=plcp
  12. Sadh Sangat Jeo, Waheguru Ji Ka Khalsa Waheguru Ji Ki Fateh, An online petition has been created calling for the UK Government to reckognise the aftermath of indira gandhi's assisination as genocide of the Sikhs. The Australian government has highlighted this issue, and we need to get the ball rolling in the UK too. Please Please Please lets try and get 100,000 signatures so that this issue can be given a chance to be debated in Parliament. Theres nothing we cant achieve if we act as one nation under one nishan! Waheguru Ji Ka Khalsa Waheguru Ji Ki Fateh! http://epetitions.direct.gov.uk/petitions/41156 Anti-Sikh violence in November 1984 in India should be classed as Genocide Responsible department: Foreign and Commonwealth Office We the signatories of this E-Petrition urge the UK government to the anti-sikh violence committed in India in November 1984, following the death of Indra Ghandhi and classify it as an act of genocide. There is more than enough evidence from Sikh groups, Human rights groups and eye witnesses to show the violence was carefully orchestrated and police, congress members and high ranking officials were not only complicit in the violence but provided support for those carrying out murder, looting and rape. To this day Sikhs (who have a long and proud connection with the UK) have had no real closure. So now we urge as in Australia that this issue be debated and then the acts of November 1984 be classified as Genocide. http://epetitions.direct.gov.uk/petitions/41156
  13. I just had a thought after discovering many unseen pics of Sikh history and other Sikh texts which have been forgotten (just about) online, that there must have been Sikhs who stored Lala Jagat Narain's garbage and other anti-Sikh media reports in Indian newspapers somewhere. Pictures, videos, newspaper cuttings etc if someone has such material then can you please let me know? I will be very happy to receive such material to spread on social media etc. Especially any material related to controversial actions of Punjab Police etc.
  14. Is Khalsa allowed to rule? Is Raj a must for Khalsa? How do we justify Khalsa Raj, especially as Khalsa is religious.
  15. Ji this is my benti to all I recently came across this website which is spreading false information about Sikhi. I run a page on facebook on which I expose these types of myths perpetrated by the RSS and other Hindutva extremists. Can anyone please help me by refuting this person's arguments. I just want to know what actually happened in the incidents this person is talking about. After that I will put it up on y page. Your help will be greatly appreciated. This is the website I am talking about: http://skanda987.wordpress.com/2012/04/15/khalistani-classic-myths/
  16. Waheguru ji ka Khalsa Waheguru ji ki Fateh. I have a plea to make to anyone reading this, this plea is in regards to a Singh living in a foreign country for more than a decade. Singh is tomorrow going to talk with a politician regarding political asylum in his chosen nation. Singh needs official documents regarding what India is doing to Sikhs, that is human rights violation etc. It will be greatly appreciated if reports, and websites which can help Singh prove his point can be provided before 3,0, clock tomorrow. Three o clock New Zealand time. Thank u ji.
  17. VAHEGURU JI KA KHALSA VAHEGURU JI KI FATEH! As a result of continous attacks happening on our Guru, the Khalsa has decided to do the following. (3 attacks have happened in the past week on Gurdwaras in India) At Guru Nanak Gurdwara Sahib Smethwick, Singhs will be organising a pehredaar jatha (security team) which will operate on Akhand Paaths to protect Guru Ji and the sangat as attacks are rising as Kaljug is coming closer to its heights. Any Sikh who wants to do seva on weekends at Guru Nanak Gurdwara Sahib Smethwick to protect Guru Ji should private message or post here. Any Sangat wanting Seva of other West Bromwich, Handsworth, Olbury or other local Gurdwara Sahib can contact here so we can sort out groups and shifts. ALL Gurdwara Sahibs across the world now should start off pehras especially when Akhand Paaths are on as we do not want to see any more beadbi. End OF. Time to defend Khalsa style. Tyaar bar Tyaar. VAHEGURU JI KA KHALSA VAHEGURU JI KI FATEH!
  18. Waheguru Ji Ka Khalsa Waheguru Ji Ki Fateh A Urgent Panthic meeting has been called in regards to the destruction of a Gurdwara Sahib in India by the Anti Sikh sect 'Radha Soami'. Meeting at Guru Har Rai Gurdwara Sahib, High Street, West Bromwich on Sunday 15th July at 6pm. Please attend and forward to similar Panthic thinkers. FAO: Sikh Youth, Jathebandian and Gurdwara Committees. Expose this cancer of Radha Soami on Sikhi.
  19. Waheguru Ji Ka Khalsa, Waheguru Ji Ki Fateh. I would just like to ask about the borders of a future Sikh nation if it where to exist. Many people include the whole of Himachal Pradesh as well as Haryana and parts of Rajasthan. Some maps even include Delhi. For those of you that support the formation of Khalistan, would you just like the current Indian state of Punjab to secede from India or would you like these other areas as well, despite them having a majority Hindu population. Also, from both a Sikh and Punjabi nationalist point of view, why is their no agitation to include West Punjab i.e. Pakistani Punjab into the proposed new nation. Would you not like to include Nankana Sahib in the new nation, as well as cities like Lahore which have a lot of historical significance. There is no doubt that human rights abuses take place in India, but should there not also be action or protests against Pakistan and their treatment of minorities. Or do you remain silent over the issue because you need the support of the Pakistani government for any activity against India. Surely you should campaign for the inclusion of the Sikhs in Pakistan and West Punjab in to a future state of Khalistan, yet I only see you protesting against the Indian government and I always see a lot of hatred for India. I am not trying to stir up hatred toward any group. I am just curious to why certain areas of India where there is not a Sikh majority are included in your proposed state, whereas areas of Pakistan where Sikhs exist but are in minority are not.
  20. It is disgusting for me to see news articles, where there are reports of Sikh Bodies, including the official parliament of Sikhs - SGPC, requesting Indian President to interfere in the capital sentence of Bhai Balwant Singh Rajoana, and grant clemency to him. But I have a very strong objection to the use of word – “Clemency”. Clemency means the forgiveness of a crime or the cancellation (in whole or in part) of the penalty associated with it. Hence, by asking for Clemency, these bodies are agreeing to the inferred statement that what Balwant Singh did was indeed a crime, which is absolutely not right. Instead, we are failing the great legend, who has stuck to his ground for last 7 years, that what he did was absolutely right; because Beant Singh was a murderer, and no less evil than the likes of Kony and Gaddafi. Beant Singh was responsible for overseeing the mass killing of Sikhs and was responsible for giving police officers such as KPS Gill (known as ‘The Butcher of Punjab’), SSP Sumedh Saini, SSP Mohammad Izhar Alam (leader of the infamous Black Cats) and others a free reign to run operations that deliberately targeted the civilian population of Punjab. The suicide operation conducted by Balwant Singh & Dilawar Singh put an end to a decade long period of State Organized killing of Sikh youths (almost 50,000 Sikhs were killed in fake ‘encounter’ killings, brutal torture, illegal detention, and mass rapes). What is even more inspiring, and mark of personal integrity and spiritual strength is that he has never asked Indian Government for Justice. He had even refused to hire a lawyer, because he does not believe in Indian Judicial System. He has openly called for the death penalty recognising it as the only form of justice available to him under the Indian legal system. And, is he irrational or wrong? No, because the State that organises and sponsors Sikh genocides to teach Sikhs a lesson, and rewards the Sikh mass murderers (read Sajjan Kumar, Jagdish Tytler) who were the perpetrators of the 1984 genocide, with plum government posts and state protection has absolutely failed in its duties towards its citizens, and is not worth asking justice for.
  21. Vjkk Vjkf 7th Annual Barsi of Sant Baba Thakur Singh Ji Khalsa Bhindranvale Thursday 22nd – Saturday 24th December 2011 At Guru Hargobind Sahib Ji Gurdwara (new) Britannia Street, Tividale, Birmingham B69 2PG Arambh Sri Akhand Paat Sahib 22nd December 5pm Bhog Sri Akhand Paat Sahib 24th December 5pm Followed by Mahaan Smagam attended by International Katha Vachiks, Keertani Jatha, Kaveeshari & Dadhi Jathas Amrit Velah Divans, workshops/camp & evening divans will be held throughout the three days Amrit Sanchar 24th December 10am ************************************************************************************************************* The 1st European Shaheedi Smagam and Barsi of Baba Thakur Singh Ji Khalsa Bhindranvale will be taking place on 25th to 27th december 2011 Venue: Gurdwara singh sabha Paris - 16-18 rue de la ferme - 93000 bobigny Arambh Sri Akhand Paat Sahib 25th December 4pm Bhog Sri Akhand Paat Sahib 27th December 4pm An Amrit Sanchar will also take place - full details tbc LIVE BROADCAST OF BOTH EVENTS **********************************for more details watch this space **********************************************
  22. Dear Mr Singh, Thank you for your email, I also reply on behalf of Malcolm Harbour MEP, as I take responsibility for constituent enquiries from your area to Conservative MEPs in the West Midlands. As this is quite a specialist issue, I contacted my colleague Dr Charles Tannock MEP, the Conservative Party Foreign Affairs Spokesman in the European Parliament. Dr Tannock has been very active in calling for a review of Professor Davinderpal Singh Bhullar's sentence. He has also written a parliamentary question to the European Commission and co-authored the European Parliament Resolution on the issue which passed on the 7th July 2011. Both the EU and the UK government do subscribe to the universal abolition of the death penalty. As far as the accusations against Minister Kamal Nath are concerned, the Conservative Party opposes universal jurisdiction for domestic courts and the UK government is in the process of abolishing it for our courts as it makes it difficult for politicians to visit our country on official business without immunity guarantees. There is a role for the International Criminal Court in ending the climate of impunity for crimes against humanity but India is not a Rome statute signatory and I regard the alleged crimes of Minister Kamal Nath as for the Indian criminal justice authorities to investigate. Yours sincerely, Philip Bradbourn OBE MEP
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