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Found 8 results

  1. WjkkWjkf Sangat Jee Does anyone have a link or copy of an English translation to the paat Att Chandi Charitr (the short one, but don't mind the long version)...?
  2. I am not contending against the positive, and negative, factions here regarding the manifestation of the Devi by Guru Gobind Singh Ji. What I would like to offer is a fresh perspective on this event and analyse it's plausible evolution. Please read my article before commenting. Thank you! I am colouring in all the quotes and important bits. Kalika at the Anandpur Court. The dual forms of Kalika, as a puritanical mother and pristine warrior, amalgamated in a sixteenth century India to birth a third more socio-political form, that of Goddess granting sovereignty. The latter perception emerged during a troubled milieu. Perpetual invasions, of the sub-continent, had reduced it's Aboriginals to the status of slaves trampled under the military foot of Islamic conquerors. Kalika's mythos, as a penultimate resort of salvation, endeared her to the indigenous monarchy which adopted her as a tool to measure their own right to reign and successes. Yet the question remained, who would this political Goddess elect to subdue and expel the Mohammedan foe? It was a significant query not lost on Akali-Nihung Guru Gobind Singh Ji, who decided to utilise it for the Khalsa and the latter's political pursuits. Evolving exegetical perceptions, in historic and contemporary Khalsa politics, have played a crucial role in shaping the standard outlook on many traditional aspects of the latter. As Purnima Dhavan elucidates, 'while the narrative content of the recent Sikh past appears to achieve a more concrete narrative by the end of the 18th century, the meanings derived from this past occupied a contested terrain as the exegetical traditions within Sikhism became diverse.' (1) Kalika is an adroit example of the latter citation. Fenech contends that the Kalika, for the Khalsa, was initially not a spiritual metaphor but a political aide. In this he is supported by Alison Busch and Robin Rhinehart. Both scholars contend that the adoption of Kalika, in the court and works of Akali-Nihung Guru Gobind Singh Ji, was a political manoeuvre calculated to preserve his own patrimony and also empower his fiefdom. Busch affirms that the origins of the Khalsa-Kalika relationship lie in the Guru's adoption of a courtly ethic. He wanted to connect his court with that of the Mughal-Rajput courts not only in grandeur but also fashion. Despite the Guru's articulation of a distinct ethos, from that of both Islam and Hinduism, he was an ardent celebrator of his pluralistic heritage; and employed it arbitrarily. Fenech believes that the latter enabled him to, 'reassure them (the local inhabitants) that while the Sikhs, and their Guru, articulated a different dharmic-or religious- and ideological vision... they were nevertheless sensitive to local tradition...' (2) Thus, in such a milieu, he (the Guru) set about adopting and re-designing local traditions and customs to fit in with Khalsa dictums. The celebration of Diwalia, and Dusshera, evidence this but there was also another social reason for this. A distinct populace, of the Guru's own apostles were drawn from amongst the agrarian Jats. The latter, an agriculturalist class, often engaged the neighbouring Rajputs in violent combat over ideological and territorial matters. Ratan Singh Bhangu evidences the latter, in his Prachin Panth Prakash, when he cites the Guru's refusal to unite his Kingly neighbours and lead them against the Islamic tyrant. Instead, as per Bhangu, he decides to re-structure the militant mentality of the Jats, and Shudras, and bestow sovereignty upon them. (3) This affirmation of suzerainty orbited one pivotal complication. How to convince the oppressed peasants that they were regal material? How to eradicate an almost centuries-old psyche that they were nothing more than the dredges of a radical religiosity? To this end the Guru adopted Kalika. His neighbouring domains were ringed with temples paying obeisance to the Goddess. Each structure depicted it's patron receiving a sword from the Goddess herself, affirming the his right to reign over his wards. She was well ingrained in the minds of his apostles, and to this end the Akali-Nihung re-birthed her legend for his own purposes. Busch notes that the Dasam, and Sarbloh, Granths' employ Kalika in a metaphorical capacity. Microscopic attention is paid to her battles, but in a major contrast to simultaneous renderings, the works of the Guru depict no reverential undertone towards the Goddess. For him she is nothing more than another warrior, attempting to restore a semblance of peace to the divided heavens. It was the link between Kalika and sovereignty, which served the Guru so well, that lead to Udasi Sukkha Singh proclaiming, 'an immense effort was expanded in procuring the presence of Kalika. No sight of her manifestation could be obtained. In this current milieu of degeneracy, no other group at the time had made her appear within the world other than the Khalsa.' (3) This manifestation of the Kalika is an event not located in either the Dasam Granth, the Sarbloh Granth or even the Sri Gur Sobha despite the latter's utilisation of Kalika. Thus, it is proper to conclude that the event is not a creation or even occurrence of the Guru era. Post-Guru era texts such as the Gurbilas series, Chibber's Bansavalinama and other biographies are however replete with the incident. Anne Murphy elucidates upon this variation, 'later Gurbilas texts (attributed to Koer Singh) include Kesar Singh Chibber's Bansavalinama, feature an organizational structure... features strong mythological content and a clearer sense, appropriate to it's time of composition, of political sovereignty in relation to the Mughal state and other smaller Hindu Kings from the Punjab hills.' (4) It is the conclusive element, of her statement, which exegesis the evolving Khalsa-Kalika relationship. Amalgamated with indigenous culture, these later authors wished to provide an indigenous backdrop for the Khalsa's right to sovereignty. Thus Kalika, the divine mother of sovereignty, was employed. Even this metaphorical tale, however, weathered an evolution. It's ultimate form, by the dawn of the nineteenth century, read as an affront to Brahmin orthodoxy. Chibber's rendition of the incident is as follows: -The Akali-Nihung is contacted by Brahmins who come to know his plans to manifest the Khalsa. They ask him to join their Havan, and assist in manifesting Kalika to aid him. - The Akali-Nihung readily agrees, but once atop Naina-Devi proves the falsity of their beliefs and instead summons a much rawer, much aggressive form of Kalika. -This form bestows him with a cleaver, and assures him that she will lend his Khalsa the support it requires to uproot the Mughals. -Subsequently, in his exegesis of Uggardanti, he alludes 'the panth was manifested to uproot the Turks (Muslims).' (5) His account, amongst others, evidences several points amongst them being: 1.) Early Khalsa historians were often adept at utilising local, and national, myths to justify their own right to prowess. 2.) The myth of Kalika's manifestation, despite being ambiguous, is also figurative. Chibber, and his companions, wished to depict to their Hindu counterparts that the Khalsa had more of a right to reign than them after the Islamic invader was expelled. Thus Sukkha Singh's proclamation, '...no other group at the time had made her appear within the world other than the Khalsa.' (6) 3.) These writers often perceived themselves as being sub-continental traditionalists and utilised this factor in their works. Their land was the abode of Dharma, and as such was sacrosanct for it's content. In the words of Rhinehart, 'the goddess (Kalika) is something of an outsider to the Hindu pantheon; when the Gods are in trouble, she is the option of last resort, a fierce fighter, a protector. She stands somewhat apart from the social order of the Gods, but is ready to step in when needed... This is not unlike the way some Sikhs came to see themselves. Fighters and defenders of Indian culture, but not exactly within the Hindu fold.' (7) 4.) This event became an opiate, and a justification, for the peasantry's revolt under the Khalsa. Utilising sub-continental myths, the Khalsa promised to engineer an era emulating that of Ram-Chandra and Krishna; demi-gods who ruled as mortals and assured perfectness. Kalika became an important component of this vision, as it was with her blessings that both Ram-Chandra and Krishna achieved their reigns; and the Khalsa would too. The conclusive say on the matter however remains the Akali-Nihung's. For him sovereignty, in figurative terms, was bestowed upon that individual who was a possessor of prowess and a master of war. Thus one finds him saying, in theSri Bhagauti Astotar, 'grant this blessing of suzerainty to I your slave. Always protect me the Guru, Shah (an imperial title), Gobind!' (8) For him Kalika was ever-present in the form of the sword, and as such a perpetual verification of his right to reign. His later apostles would re-vamp this vision to achieve a fine balance between indigenous mythology, and historic justification. As Murphy contends, Chibber and Koer Singh were not hampered by European notions of time and thus wove myth, religion and reality into one semblance. (9) But it is Dhavan who retains the conclusive say on the matter. Busch pinpoints the political appeal of Kalika, citing that the latter was misinterpreted to say that, 'the Guru reverenced the Goddess.' (10) But the exegetical variation is highlighted by Dhavan who so readily contends, '...the meanings derived from this past occupied (and still occupy) a contested terrain as the exegetical traditions within Sikhism became diverse!' (11) Sources: (1) Murphy Anne; (2012) The Materiality of the Past: History and Representation in the Sikh Tradition. Oxford University press, NY, USA. pg. 93-94. (2) Fenech E. Louis; (2013) The Sikh Zafar-namah of Guru Gobind Singh: A Discursive Blade in the Heart of the Mughal Empire. Oxford University press, NY, USA. pg. 5-6. (3) ibid, pg. 6. (4) Murphy Anne; (2012) The Materiality of the Past: History and Representation in the Sikh Tradition. Oxford University press, NY, USA. pg. 92-93. (5) Accessed from http://sikh-reality.blogspot.co.nz/2010/04/bansavalinama-ugardanthi-explanation.html (6) Fenech E. Louis; (2013) The Sikh Zafar-namah of Guru Gobind Singh: A Discursive Blade in the Heart of the Mughal Empire. Oxford University press, NY, USA. pg. 6. (7) ibid pg. 7. (8) Akali-Nihung Guru Gobind Singh Ji, Sri Bhagauti Astotar, Dasam Granth. (This Bani is omitted in modern Dasam Granth publications under the aegis of the SGPC). (9) Murphy Anne; (2012) The Materiality of the Past: History and Representation in the Sikh Tradition. Oxford University press, NY, USA. pg. 94-95. (10) Fenech E. Louis; (2013) The Sikh Zafar-namah of Guru Gobind Singh: A Discursive Blade in the Heart of the Mughal Empire. Oxford University press, NY, USA. pg. 7. (11) Murphy Anne; (2012) The Materiality of the Past: History and Representation in the Sikh Tradition. Oxford University press, NY, USA. pg. 93-94.
  3. Baba Ji used to recite the prayer called Chandi di Vaar daily, as part of his Nitnem This is a prayer composed by the tenth Guru, describing a battle between demons and the Goddess called Chandi. It is usually recited by Sikhs during war. Many a time, a question would arise in his mind as to, how many times and at what time one should recite the prayer of Chandi di Vaar? Baba Ji asked many Saints and sadhus regarding this question, but could not get a satisfactory answer. One evening, at his room in the fields, after reciting the evening prayer of Rehras, Baba Ji went on to recite the prayer of Chandi di Vaar. After completing this prayer, he prepared to retire by saying his last prayer of Sohila. It was a moonlit night and the doors of the room in which he was sitting, were open. As he had just lain down, he noticed two men approaching at a short distance. Baba Ji thought to himself, that if these pedestrians were just travellers, he would offer them food and shelter for the night and if they were robbers, then he would challenge them in combat. No sooner had this thought entered his mind, than miraculously one of the Singh’s came beside him and grabbed his feet. The other one seized Baba Ji’s head and pinned him down onto the bed. Baba Ji used to tell us, “I was unable to move from the bed. A thought entered my mind that these two, who have moved faster than the speed of light in order to grasp me are neither robbers nor travellers. These two must be Shaheed Singhs (the immortal souls of Sikh martyrs). I began to recite the Mool mantar I had only uttered the Mool mantar twice when the Singh who held my head down, let go, followed by the second Singh who was holding my feet.” Baba Ji got up and the Shaheed Singh explained, “We did not come here to fight with or seize you, but to answer your question, regarding the correct time to recite the prayer of Chandi di Vaar. As you thought about offering us a fight, we came and immediately seized you, as we did.” The Shaheed Singh continued, “If you start reciting the prayer of Chandi di Vaar after sunset then, one must keep reciting it 64 continuously through the night until dawn. Two or more Singhs may take turns to recite this prayer through the night, it is all right to do so. One must sit upon a clean mat or bed, bathing before reciting the prayer. An oil lamp lit with clarified butter should be kept alight throughout the night. During the day, one can recite Chandi di Vaar as many times as one wants. There is no specific practice to reciting the prayer except that one reads the prayer with devotion and understanding.” After explaining these instructions, the Singh’s disappeared through the doors towards the direction they came from.
  4. Erudite scholars of the Dasam Granth, and Sri Sarbloh Granth, have concluded that Kali plays an important role in both scriptures. She is a metaphor for associating femininity with the Akal. In this article I hope to highlight the societal, and familial factors which convinced Guru Gobind Singh Ji to utilise Kali in his works. The Dasam Granth residences a plethora of mystical-cum-spiritual metaphors which are fecund spectres of an ubiquitous vision. One such spectre is that of Kali, the dark Goddess. Evolving from a primeval genesis, Kali is presently a household deity amongst the sub-continent's denizens. Possessing a bloody historicity, to rival that of the Mexica pantheon, Kali for the Khalsa is not a reverential deity but a figurative utility for it's femininity. The often bloody historicity of the Khalsa has marginalized it's feminism, in pursuit of a more hyper-masculine monomania. Despite it's Gurus' emphasis on gender equivocalism, the latter principle is found ardently lacking in practice. Even today the pseudo-inter religious governing body, the SGPC, veto's women from performing Kirtan in the cardinal Darbar Sahib. A similar strain is also visible in the collective Sikh psyche of today. Despite acknowledging the existence of a formless God in their ethos, they will still opt for a more patricentric God in an emulation of Semitism. Ironically this is a notion which directly contradicts the feminism invoked in the Dasam Granth. To understand why the Dasam Granth utilises Kali, to showcase femininity, one has to understand the historic milieu orbiting it's creation. Authored by Akali-Nihung Guru Gobind Singh Ji, it was written at a time when the societal segregation of Hinduism was at it's peak, and subsequent Islamic invasions had divided sub-continental society in believer and non-believe. The elite strata, of Hinduism, had escaped the greater Islamic penchant for persecution via allying themselves with the Mughal dynasty. Approving the latter course, the Mughal nucleus had readily allowed the latter a constrained practice of their faith. Summarily the nadir strata of Hinduism now faced two dangers. The orthodox hegemony lead by the fanatical Brahmins, or religious clerics, and the whims of Islamic radicals. Simultaneously the Brahmins restrained the performance and observance of religiosity to themselves and their male hierarchy, whilst forbidding women and the servile classes from emulating them. In the periods which followed the servile classes, and women, were slowly deprived of their deities, until penultimately Kali was left. Kali herself was perceived as being an ostracised deity by the Brahmins. Born during a mythical era of warfare, her figurative symbolism had been lost through the ages until ultimately her figure was defined in numerous modes. For the ostracised layers of Hinduism she represented a sporadic escape, an hearkening to an era where she would manifest and slaughter the malesh (filth) plaguing them. Her persona spoke volumes to the Guru who not only wanted to parent a distinct socio-religious parcel but also uplift the proletariat regardless of the latter's allegiances, associations and beliefs. Decrying her worship, he nonetheless adopted her as a clandestine metaphor for his literary works. Kali's spectral prowess over death was employed by him to depict the maternal aspect of the Akal, or the deathless entity. Simultaneously her ability to consume time was another element which he favoured and aligned with the Akal who fluidly exists over time and it's offshoots. Other factors, which were pivotal, in the Guru's adoption of Kali are found in his own life and hierarchy. Wendy Doniger argues that 'other people's myths' assist one in bettering one's own persona and traits. These 'other myths' provide an anti-inertial, and diverse, balance in one's understanding of one's own life and environment. The Khalsa Gurus' resided during a time when the folklore of Hinduism was a sub-continental phenomena, thus to assist their apostles in understanding their own unique dictums they employed well-recognised and known figures to assist them. His predecessor's anti-inertial devices were not lost on the Guru, who also forwarded the latter tradition. Secondly, despite his masculine attributes and generalship he was also close to feminism himself. His father had been executed by the fanatical Aurangzeb, and he had been left in the care of a mother who had acted as a decisive vizier for him in his early years. His own grandfather, Guru Hargobind Sahib Ji, had also deputed his wife and mother as his regents when he himself was imprisoned by the Mughals. Thus his family had seen a balance between male and female paradigms, a course not lost on him. Thirdly he employed a sublime figure. Kali is not overly beauteous, but nor was her role as an embodiment of warfare. Acknowledging this reality, the Guru added her to his own growing repertoire of literal arsenals. Fourthly Kali, for the Guru, became a stereotypical element of his own war against the contemporaneous polity. The dark, almost devilish, goddess wars against injustice in order to liberate her pantheist brethren. Simultaneously the Guru also uplifted the servile out castes of his milieu and armed them to fight the tyranny inflicted upon them. In Kali he found a kindred spirit and acknowledged this element in his writings. Fourthly the Guru gifted a parental Kali to the embryonic Khalsa. For him the purity of a female was beyond doubt, and the Khalsa too would have to imbue the same spirit in order to wage it's perpetual war against abibek. Conclusively, for the Guru, Kali became an integrative element of his revitalising of society. The fact that he could envision a female wielding a sword depicts the importance of both masculinity and femininity in human society. In the post-Guru era, Khalsa women would foster a strong tradition of warrior-dom and leadership. Mata Bhag Kaur, the Guru-mother's Mata Sahib Kaur and Sundar Kaur, Sada Kaur, Rani Jind Kaur are only few of the names which come to mind when acknowledging the matriarchal aspect of Khalsa historicity. Thus one cane easily summarise that for the Guru, Kali was a multi-faceted deity which he employed for anti-inertial and figurative upliftment. http://tisarpanth.blogspot.co.nz/2014/05/why-kali.html?view=magazine
  5. VaheguruJiKaKhalsa VaheguruJiKiFatehJI VaheguruJiKaKhalsa VaheguruJiKiFatehJI Is there a gupt starting to the Ath Chandi Charitar Ustat Barnanan? I have been told there is. Do any off the Sangat know this gupt start, please comment or Personal Message me ASAP Dhanvad
  6. jasdeepsingh2k125

    Ath Chandi Charitar

    Waheguru Ji Ka Khalsa, Waheguru Ji Ki Fateh daas was searching for audio of ath chandi charitar but searched both chandi charitar but could not find this.,so plz help me if someone has the audio file
  7. Despite forming an extensive component of the sub-continental psyche, Durga still remains an elusive individual in the ongoing taxonomy between literal and metaphorical. An amalgamation of tenderness and blood-thirstiness, Durga unfortunately escapes all notions of definition and recognition. Who is she? And what truly is her purpose in the veiled religiosity which encapsulates all sub-continental faiths? The answers are numerous and disparate on many terms, subsequently a new precedent was ingrained for Durga when Gurmat became prevalent. No more was she a goddess worthy of worship but a metaphor for the multi-tapestried dictums birthed by the latter. The Akali-Nihung, the Nirmala and Udasi school identified her as an extrapolation of the metaphorical construction which aimed to signify and provide a human-based identification of spiritual precepts. Her very anatomy was an exegesis of broad spiritual concepts which had universal parallels. Their identifications are still retained by their descendants and disciples even in the contemporary period. Durga's limbs not only provide striking magnetism which one gravitates towards on viewing her, but are representatives of much broader practicalities. Each limb makes a unique distinction with it's contemporary and defines one of the nine modes of devotion, prevalent in many orientalist traditions. Usually these nine modes are professed towards a deity but in Gurmat they are reserved for the 'Shabad' or the word, a physical embodiment of the creator and the inheritor of the Guru's doctrines. Despite being victims of extensive scrutiny and unwarranted criticism, these modes are prevalent in Sikh shrines even today. 1.) 'Sravan'- This is the first representation of Durga's limbs. It defines the hearing of the creator's praises (or one's indigenous deity). As per Gurmat 'Sravan' occurs when one listens to the 'Shabad(s)' contained within the three parallel Granths. 2.) 'Kirtan'- The musical recitation of the creator's praises, it has become a tradition of profound importance in the Khalsa ethos and is practiced even today. Despite undergoing successive evolution(s), as per time, Khalsa tradition still retains the mystical procedure of performing 'Kirtan' as done by it's early forebears. 3.) 'Simran'- Remembrance (contemplation) of the creator's name(s). As per Western doctrines this can easily be taxonomized as being meditation. It is central to the Khalsa ethos, and suffers from heavy ignorance. 4.) 'Padsevena'- Voluntary (heavily emphasized) service and offering at the creator's abode. The Sikh Guru's heavily emphasized this dictum amongst their disciples. 5.) 'Arachana'- Worship of the creator. 6.) 'Bandana'- Reverential submission before the creator. 7.) 'Dasyam'- The cultivation and observance of emotions, which dictate one to be a servant of the creator. 8.) 'Sakhyam'-Preservation of an emotional bond of companionship attached to the creator. 9.) 'Atma-Nivedana'- The final act of devotion, surrender of oneself to the creator. By adopting an indigenous deity, and the vernacular associated with her, Gurmat constructed a new precept for it's adherents; one which did not stratify the deity's original disciples yet established the creator above her. http://tisarpanth.blogspot.co.nz/2013/07/an-exegesis-of-multi-limbbed-durga.html
  8. 13Mirch

    Chandi and Guru Sahib.

    Please feel free to correct and criticise me, I just listened to these two kathas and was impressed with the knowledge displayed. http://www.manglacharan.com/2011/05/chandi-pargat-hona-katha-by-giani-baba.html However I do not understand Shakti, was that Akal Purakh in one of his forms? I also do not understand the bit regarding Mata Sahib Kaur Ji. Is Akal Purakh's shakti in Kirpan? Hence is Kirpan chandi? How do we, in Gurmat, view Durga? How does our view of Chandi and Durga differ from Hinduism?

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