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  1. The arrow wielding, gun-slinging, sword adorning image of Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale has become an extensive component of the universal Sikh psyche. Despite more than thirty years elapsing since his valorous demise at the hands of the murderous Indian army, his ferocious image still retains it's perpetual impact; threatening to tear the Indian state to shreds via inspiration and influence. One of the strong patriarchs of the Khalsa ethos, Sant Jarnail Singh still retains his militant sway over Punjab despite the political tempering his image has been exposed to. Seen as a saint and terrorist alike, on opposing ends of the spectrum, he has become a symbol of individual resistance for many a South Asian minority. Born in 1947 A.D. in the heartland of Punjab, in village Rode, he grew up in a fundamentally Sikh environment. He was imbued with the traits of religiosity, universality and spirituality at an early age; catalyzing in him undergoing the Khalsa initiation rites whilst still blow ten years of age. It was finally when Gyani Gurbachan Singh Ji Khalsa Bhindranwale reached Rode, that he identified the young Jarnail Singh's religious fervor and after adopting him under his wing placed him in the venerable Damdami Taksal, the universal Sikh university which he headed. It was here that the young Jarnail Singh trained as a saintly and militant proponent of the Khalsa way and the Sikh nation, subsequently resulting in him joining the ranks of the Khalsa militia ready to sacrifice itself for the preservation and continuation of the Khalsa. Taksal which had been a solid educational, and temporal, pillar of the panth ultimately split in 1961 A.D. after the demise of Gyani Gurbachan Singh Ji Khalsa Bhindranwale. Since time immemorial tradition dictated that a Sikh leader forego all democratic notions in choosing his heir and successor. As such, Gyani Gurbachan Singh identified the young Kartar Singh as his heir. A notion which was ultimately dismissed and rejected by the Sikh polity, but was heavily supported by the everyday Sikh. His early support from amongst the Sikh masses, especially the religious youth, soon saw him spearheading an extensive campaign to quarantine all non-religious, and fanatical elements from Punjab. In this he clashed with the growing 'Nirankari' or 'Narakdhari' cult, an event which catalyzed in the murder of 13 innocent Sikhs and a mockery of the Indian judiciary by the Indian law keepers themselves. Seeing this, Sant Jarnail Singh planned an launched the Sikh rights agitation which continued through the late seventies uptill his demise in 1984. Growing Hindu radicalization and increasing political subtlety soon saw a heavy and often violent opposition of this agitation. Sikh women were publicly raped, Sikh males were shot dead in plain view of the judiciary and the truth was hidden by daily reports and rumors of a "Hindu genocide" occurring in Punjab at the behest of it's entire 16 million Sikh residents. Knowing that under Indra Gandhi and her vain egoistical policies, no justice was available, and that the entire Indian media was now dead set against him the Sant and his advisors formed a veritable militia of Sikhs living in Punjab and abroad which soon started launching counter offensives against the bloody slaughter of Sikhs. Yet even Sikhs independent of the agitation and the militia partook heavily in answering the political massacre which was ongoing in Punjab. Sikhs like Ranjit Singh shot the 'Nirankari' leader dead at his own residence, whilst others sent a clear cut warning to the inflammatory media through the assassination of the foul-mouthed Lala Jagat Narain. Others such as Manjit Singh hijacked plans to protest the continuous disrespect to Sikh sentiments in India. The judiciary however answered these mass protests with it's own war-mongering. Innocent Sikhs were implicated in false cases and tortured to death. Others had their families eradicated for being orthodox Sikhs, all this added more flame to the growing agitation. It was finally in the early 80's that Indra and her political sympathizers, along with Hindu fundamentalists, decided to embark on a new course of action. One which would see a large-scale annihilation of the Sikh agitation movement and also a loss of significant cultural treasures for the Sikh nation. To this end a heavy course of action was outlined, one which called for Sikhs to be portrayed as the national scapegoat for every potential problem which the Indian state faced. Punjab was blamed for the hunger pangs which India suffered, despite providing the nation with more produce than ever before. Sikh soldiers were blamed for abetting radical Islamisation and Pakistani protocols, despite gallantly defending Indian borders against superior equipped foes. Soon the flames of war were being fanned and it was evident that Indra would attack Punjab with all the force she could muster. The Sikh polity too proved to be incompatible and pathetic. After realizing that Sant Jarnail Singh envisioned a democratic Punjab, based on the Anandpur resolution, one in which it's corrupt activities would be bared it did a massive about-turn and subtly joined Indra. Via decisive planning it labelled Sant Jarnail Singh as being Indra's own men sent to inflame the common man against democracy, civility and the judiciary. All this while it planned and initiated the deaths of thousands of Sikhs at the behest of Indra. Knowing fully well that the Sant could crush it, the Sikh polity joined Indra in her new course and gave it's full blessings to re-initiate the Indian intelligence and employ it in a destructive capacity in Punjab. With the equal support of her own son, Rajiv Gandhi, and the BJP and the Communist Party of India; the newly re-instated intelligence service rejuvenated itself via the murders of Sikhs and Hindus in order to widen the gap between both communities. Radical sentiments had already been expressed by the Hindu community, the intelligence agency's actions only increased them. In the state of Haryana a massive eradication of the Sikh populace was undertaken with Sikh being dragged out of their own residences and burnt to death in broad daylight. Hindu politicians, emboldened by the Sikh polity's betrayal, spewed an immeasurable amount of derogation against the entire Sikh nation, going so far as to label the masters of the faith "beggars" and "common hunters." The Sant gave mouth-breaking replies to his criticizers during this time and continued to firm the Sikh nation for the dark days it was traversing through. His excellent rhetoric and sharp memory saw an extensive growth of Sikh numbers. Each day an increasing number of individuals underwent the Khalsa initiation rites, giving rise to the fear, in the minds of the Hindu Taliban, that a mass majority of Sikhs would soon over run Punjab and gain a secessionist entity right within India itself. A parallel similarity to the mughal state's fear of Guru Gobind Singh Ji's independent and distinct entity, Anandpur. During this time the Sant resided in and around Amritsar, specifically the Nanak Niwas complex. Unknown to the Sikh nation, at the time, this would soon become a subtle excuse for Indra to attack Darbar Sahib, the Sikh Vatican. A series of encounters were planned and carried out which soon lead to Indra declaring a nationwide contingency plan, heavily centered on Punjab. It called for the immediate dissolving of the agitation, which she labelled as being a secessionist entity sponsored by neighboring nations to dissect the united Indian-Hindu state. To this end various officers and civil servants were employed, along with the media, to give credence to the hysteria of Sikh terrorism. It was a view which heavily encapsulated all modes of Indian life, with many individuals even distancing themselves from Sikh run, or owned enterprises and/or colleagues. Individuals such as Colonel B. Longer, Arun Nehru, L.K. Advani and A.S. Vaidya analyzed the political fallout which would result after an imminent attack on the Sikh nation. Their conclusion was highly optimistic for Indra, a mass increase in the votebanks and a decisive blow struck to the Sikh psyche. To this end the planned action, which had only been a brainstorm at this conjuncture, soon became a potential reality and was code named Operation Bluestar. Bluestar was not a solid action and did not possess any concrete credentials. It was a subtle evolution which radically altered itself with the changing environment. In all it's finality it presented an all-out attack on Darbar Sahib, with the potential murder of thousands of civilians and if Indra was lucky, militants. Not only would Bluestar alter the Sikh image universally, but also justify itself via it's decisive basis, "the removal of Sikh secessionists and terrorists." Eighteen months before the plan was given the all clear, a practical model of Darbar Sahib was built at the Doon Cantonment. General S.K. Sinha, an individual party to this plan, opposed its construction and later admitted to the world at large that in all it's entirety Operation Bluestar would have happened. Bhindranwale or no Bhindranwale. With the onset of 1984 and a decisive calm in Punjab, the unholy nexus of the Indian state soon commenced the final preparations for Operation Bluestar. Knowing fully well that the Sant and his companions, along with radical Sikh politicians and leaders, resided in and around Darbar Sahib Indra started promising that despite the Akal Takhat being the parliamentarian hothouse of the Sikh minority, the army would not enter it under any circumstances or situation. It was a clear cut signal for the Sant and a majority of the Sikhs residing in Punjab and outside. Indra's solemn words, carried a heavy air of malice. Empowered by it's own success, the Indian intelligence along with it's sister branches of the Indian para-military forces, planned and commenced quick attacks in which the Sikh militia's tactics were mimicked. These deliberate actions were only revealed after the Sant's death, though he disproved them at the time citing an extensive amount of loopholes prevalent in the fabricated cases pinned on him and his men. Since November of the prior year the police had been moving in and around Amritsar. With the onset of 1984 it set up a perimeter around Darbar Sahib and pointed it's weaponry towards the Akal Takhat in a stark reflection of it's prior attack in 1955. It was this which finally gave Sant Jarnail Singh and his companions a reason to enter Darbar Sahib and prepare their strategic positions for power. Despite being against the idea of a separate Sikh nation, the Sant rapidly warned the Indian state that if it's para-military forces fired a single bullet at the Darbar Sahib and it's inner precincts; than the entire Sikh nation would separate itself from the greater Indian nation via bloodshed. A numerous amount of political personalities came to meet the Sant during this time. Each and every one of them requested Indra Gandhi and New-Delhi to pay heed to the Sikh agitation movement's demands and reach a compromise. She however ignored these requests and continued unabated with her vilification of the Sant and the Sikh nation. The Indian ambassador to Madagascar noted how during his visit to the Akal-Takhat, a mode of calmness and serenity pervaded the inner precincts of Darbar Sahib. He also noted how more than 241 police snipers had their visions constantly trained on Jarnail Singh. Many other individuals also noted the same. The Amritsar police officials refused to arrest the Sant in the aftermath of the murder of D.I.G Virk. Citing the fact that any evidence produced against the Sant was circumstantial, and despite his men retaining their weapons on sacred premises it was a practice concurrent with the Sikh ethos. It is impertinent to note that it was Virk who had declared the Sant absolved of all guilt in the 'Chowk Mehta' case. Finally, after a short but nerve-wracking wait, Indra with her full blessings dispatched a contingent of the Indian army to invade and silence Punjab in the beginning of June. On the 1st of June, 1984 Punjab was virtually shut-off from the globe at large. Telecommunications were cut, international citizens forcefully removed, human rights activists detained along with media firebrands, and a curfew set in place. If any violation of these actions occurred, than the perpetrator was shot dead on cite without any justification. Punjab was effectively a warzone. Forty simultaneous Sikh shrines were investigated by the army and given the all-clear. Yet despite this declaration they were still invaded. From the 1st to the 3rd of June the army commenced to blockade all civilians inside their residences. Darbar Sahib too was sealed off and despite the army's whitewashed accounts, no individual was allowed inside or outside. It was also during this time that under the orders of Generals Brar, Sundaji and Dayal, a detachment of Indian soldiers fired bullets at civilian targets and specific locations inside Darbar Sahib. Despite the untimely demise of 12 individuals, the Sant and his men did not fire back. Preferring to hold their fire, and not betray their positions. It was also a sign of their declaration, the army could negotiate with them if need be. Finally after a lengthy consultation Brar ordered an attack on the 4th of June. Detachments of handpicked soldiers burst in with heavy firepower, shooting left and right, without any prior discrimination massacring civilians and militants alike. The militants however were possessed by a firebrand spirit and soon forced their foes to retreat with heavy fatalities. From the 5th of June however the Indian attack recommenced with a vengeance. A psychoanalysis had been taken and it had been established that the militants could easily crush the Indian forces, especially since the civilians trapped inside Darbar Sahib were now openly fighting along with them. In a desperate attempt tanks were brought in and opened a mass bombardment on the Akal-Takhat. It still did not deter the Sant and his men from their fight. The militants, despite being encumbered by logistical inefficiency, held out until the 10th of June (a full account of the battle will later be analyzed in top 20 Sikh battles). Army sources are heavily contradictory regarding the demise of the Sant. A certain percentage state he surrendered but was shot dead, another states he was shot whilst evacuating Akal-Takhat while yet another makes the exorbitant claim that he was killed right inside the inner chambers of Akal-Takhat. All these glaring inconsistencies make it evident that the army did not wish, at the time, to express the truth. It ignored all eye-witness statements (many providers were 'silenced') in order to turn the situation to it's own advantage. The truth of the Sant's last moments can be established from the accounts of the few brave souls who whilst sheltering met him and/or saw him. Joginder Singh Vedanti (later Jathedar of Akal-Takhat) who was sheltering in the two-story infrastructure besides the Akal-Takhat saw the Sant listening to the recitation of the Sikh canon, whilst engaging in action against the Indian soldiers. Another custodian of Darbar Sahib saw the Sant preparing guns for the employment of his men against the soldiers, who were now amassing over the killed civilians and marching towards Akal-Takhat. But it is the testimony of Bhai Ram Singh, the head custodian at the time and now one of the heads of the split Taksal branches, and his companions (which was recorded by the chief magistrate of Punjab A.R. Darshi) which establishes the Sant's final hours. His account states how by this critical conjuncture in time the valorous, but heavily outnumbered militants, lay dead or dying. He himself was sheltering in the 'Kotha Sahib' where the Sikh canon was placed for the night, along with a few fellows. Despite the Akal-Takhat being located adjacent to the said structure, it miraculously survived the attack with only a few bullet marks. Around early morning, Bhai Amrik Singh, the Sant's perpetual companion came in to pay his respects to the Guru and notify it's tenants as to what was occurring in the defensive quarter. The remaining militants had run out of ammunition and were now planning an all-out attack on the remaining soldiers. It was evident that to silence the Sikh nation, and the victims of the attack, a massive slaughter was to follow the subsequent eradication of all remaining militant elements. Yet despite this the Sant was not willing to surrender. He had partaken the oath that the army would have to step over his corpse if it wanted to enter the Akal-Takhat. As such, it was now time to prove the validity of that oath. He soon joined Bhai Amrik Singh, and then headed back to the Akal-Takhat. There after notifying the remaining militants to his acceptance of their new course of action, and justifying his stand for martyrdom, he lead them to the entry of the Takhat. Subsequently eyewitnesses saw the Sant and his remaining men charge the Indian army soldiers, emerging from the rubble which was now Akal-Takhat. The Sant was at the head of the band and the first to engage the foe in hand-to-hand combat. In the spirit of his predecessors, such as Baba Deep Singh, Bhai Mani Singh Ji and Baba Gurbax Singh the fourteenth jathedar of Taksal laid down his life in defense of the Sikh ethos, and Khalsa way of life so dear to him and countless others. After his death his body was placed in a cordoned region for identification by his brother, Sardar Joginder Singh. It was then subsequently dumped and cremated along with the other victims of Operation Bluestar in an unverified location. 'Physical death I fear not. But the death of the conscience is a sure death.' -Sant Jarnail Singh Ji Khalsa Bhindranwale. http://tisarpanth.blogspot.co.nz/2013/06/sant-jarnail-singh-bhindranwale.html
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