Nirvair S Khalsa

Please tell me where I can see the video online. Thank you. Veer Jee, Here is a link to the upload of the video by "Panthic Weekly": http://www.panthic.org/data/videos/2006-04...andeepSingh.m3u Vaheguroo Jee Kaa Khalsa, Vaheguroo Jee Kee Phateh!!!

Just for general interest..... Which Panjabi/Sikh Radio Station (or show in station) do you listen to most often? (Please balance your choice so that which one is more listened to for Gurbaani and Religious shows, over other shows). If "Other", please state as a post below which one?..... Vaheguroo Jee Kaa Khalsa, Vaheguroo Jee Kee Phateh!!!

Bhai Kulbir Singh Jee Barapind is currently "the talk" in the villages of Panjab, especially Dhoaba way. People are going to each others houses in villages just to read newspapers. A close family member was able to get view of Bhai Saahib outside the courts and he was happy and in Chardhee Kalaa. Perhaps members of this forum who are currently residing in Panjab or in close proximity to Phillaur way will know a little more of the actual reality in villages, other than what the media and news claim? 13 years recitation of Gurbani and Naam in a USA jail is bound to help ones moral keep strong and in High Spirits..... Vaheguroo Jee Kaa Khalsa, Vaheguroo Jee Kee Phateh!!!

'G.Kaur' Jee, The full diwaan schedule is still being developed and well on the way to completion by early next week. Will post on here as soon as possible and the sewadaar for the www.SantRanjitSinghJi.com website (used specifically for the 2006 Diwaan Schedule) will also post on there. Vaheguroo Jee Kaa Khalsa, Vaheguroo Jee Kee Phateh!!!

From the TRIBUNE (PANJAB) ---------------------------------------------------------------------- Bira remanded in police custody till July 1 Our Correspondent Phillaur June 28 Khalistan Commando Force militant Kulbir Singh Bira was today produced before the Judicial Magistrate here at 11 am. Bira was again remanded in police custody till June 29 in a criminal case of Tarkhan Majara village and till July 1 in another criminal case of Dhakka Colony. No activist of SAD(A) was seen near the court here today. Three lawyers belonging to the Human Rights Commission-- Mr Navkiran Singh, Mr Manpreet Singh Chahal, and Mr Tejinder Singh Sudan besides local lawyers were also present in the court. They urged the court to instruct the police to produce Bira in the court at normal working hours and not at odd hours. Following this request, the court ordered the police to produce him at normal working hours. Meanwhile, the court fixed the date of June 30 for hearing the application of SAD(A) President Simaranjit Singh Maan, seeking permission to meet Bira. Dal state unit general secretary Harjinder Jakhu told newsmen here today that the dal activists would hold a demonstration front of the court complex on July 1, when Bira would appear in the court. Meanwhile, the SSP Jalandhar, Mr Ishwar Singh, has denied the charges of Mr Simaranjit Singh Maan that police was not allowing anybody to meet Kulbir Singh Bira. Talking to mediapersons here today, the SSP clarified that the father of Bira, Mr Ajit Singh, and his brother, Mr Balwant Singh, were allowed to meet Bira with the permission of the court. The SSP said the police was investigating the case in a transparent manner and was strictly following the law. ---------------------------------------------------------------------- Vaheguroo Jee Kaa Khalsa, Vaheguroo Jee Kee Phateh!!!

..Yes, it is a good thing the Shiromani Akali Dal (Amritsar) specifically picks who can be a member of the party as it will reduce the chances of infiltration of anti-panthic bodies into its political activity... Vaheguroo Jee Kaa Khalsa, Vaheguroo Jee Kee Phateh!!!

Hawara's cell : A prison within a Prison Sunday 25th of June 2006 Panthic Weekly News Bureau Chandigarh (KP) - It might have been months since the re-arrest of Jagtar Singh Hawara, but the jail security officials are still busy in employing more safekeeping devices to prevent any future chances of jailbreaks. While addressing the press about the new changes being implemented, a police official of the Burail Jail passed an interesting comment claiming that by digging a 104 foot long tunnel despite heavy security, Jagtar Singh Hawara has proved of being capable of doing a lot. It was mentioned to the press that many new security strategies are being implemented to contain the eminent Babbar Khalsa militant. The walls of Jagtar Singh Hawara's cell will now be composed of steel. Additionally, Jagtar Singh Hawara will also have to stay in the company of four CCTV cameras that will be installed inside the barrack. Besides the steel walls, plaster as thick as 3 inch will also be used to cover the walls. It is not only after months that new strategies are being developed. Ever since the remand of Hawara shifted to Chandigarh, heavily armed security had been implanted to guard his cell for 24 hours daily. Many other daily routines of Hawara have also been restricted. Along with relocating the Gurdwara Sahib, the time that Hawara can spend there has also been limited. Besides allowing only four pair of clothing, a pair of shoes and slippers, authorities has also restricted Hawara from installing any curtains, gym equipment or other utensils in the barrack. He is also not being allowed to accept any food, clothing or money from the outside without express permission. Editors can be reached at editors@panthic.org

Makkar appeals Akal Takht Jathedar to summon Prof. Darshan Singh Sunday 25th of June 2006 Gurpreet Singh Mehak Fatehgarh Sahib, Punjab - Talking to this correspondent at Mata Gujri College, Fatehgarh Sahib, where the SGPC presidentAvtarSingh Makkar formally started construction work of a college students' centre and canteen, the latter said that it was blunder on the part of Darshan Singh to participate in a recent function organized by the Congress related to Guru Arjun Dev's martyrdom at Tarn Taran. He said that it is a well known fact that the Congress is a number one enemy of the Sikhs and responsible for Operation Blue Star where it is also well known that atrocities were committed on Sikhs. The latter and representatives of the former shared the stage during the function. He said that the former Akal Takht Jathedar not only shared the stage with the Congress but all-out praised Congress leaders. He said that the former Akal Takht Jathedar engaged in such a promotion to obtain cheap political mileage. He said that Darshan Singh earlier obtained the same from the Congress and that he had had become a puppet in the hands of Congress now. He said that the religious function was organized by the SGPC to commemorate Guru Arjun Dev's martyrdom so what was the need of Darshan Singh to participate in a Congress dominated function, which basically was a political show? He quipped that Darshan Singh should formally announced his desire to join the Congress. He said that he would take up this matter with Dharam Parchar Committee of the SGPC. He said that now the SGPC has strengthened its base in Pakistan as it participated in martyrdom function of Guru Arjun Dev in Pakistan. He said that the SGPC would observe the foundation day of Akal Takht Sahib on a grand scale. He said that a seminar and other religious functions would be organized June 30th. He added that he would also participate in the Guru Arjun Dev's martyrdom function in New York whereby he will be away from India June 23 to June 28.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Mann not allowed to meet Bira Ashok Kaura Tribune News Service Akali Dal (Amritsar) leaders Simaranjit Singh Mann (right) and Daljit Singh Bittu address a press conference in Phillaur on Monday. — Photo by writer Phillaur, June 26 Activists of the Akali Dal (Amritsar) resented the producing of Khalistan Commando Force militant Kulbir Singh Bira before the Judicial Magistrate by the Phillaur police at 8.20 am here today. He had been deported from the USA and brought here in connection with criminal cases registered against him. He was today remanded in police custody till June 28 for further investigations. Akali Dal (Amritsar) President Simaranjit Singh Mann, who along with Mr Daljit Singh Bittu, Dr Harjinder Jakhu and other leaders, came here for the hearing, were not allowed by the police to meet Bira. Addressing a press conference, Mr Mann described the producing of Bira at 8.20 am as unlawful, alleging that the police and the judiciary had not been working in a free, fair and transparent manner. Mr Mann said he would meet the US Ambassador to India shortly and submit a detailed report about violations of agreement by the police in the Bira case. He said he would write to the Chief Justice of the Punjab and Haryana High Court about Bira and how Bira had been produced before the Judicial Magistrate before time twice. Mr Mann filed an application to the Judicial Magistrate, seeking permission to meet Bira and the Judicial Magistrate fixed the date of considering the application for June 28. The Phillaur police registered cases under Section 188 of the CrPC for apprehension of breach of peace against several Akali Dal (Amritsar) activists for raising objectionable slogans at the time of producing Bira before the Judicial Magistrate on June 24. The SSP of Jalandhar, Mr Ishwar Singh, denied the charges of SAD(A) President Simaranjit Singh Mann that the police was not allowing anybody to meet Kulbir Singh Barrapind, alias Bira. Talking to newsmen here this evening, the SSP clarified that the lawyer of Bira was timely informed about the appearance of Bira in the Phillaur judicial court today and, moreover, Ajit Singh, father, and Balwant Singh, a brother, of Bira were allowed to meet him with the permission of the court. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Vaheguroo Jee Kaa Khalsa, Vaheguroo Jee Kee Phateh!!!

lol...Vaheguroo Jee, Thank you all for your kind words. I sincerely hope you all stay in Chardhee Kalaa... Vaheguroo Jee Kaa Khalsa, Vaheguroo Jee Kee Phateh!!!

INTERESTING............... ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- Babbar Khalsa man to be deported Lalit Mohan Tribune News Service Gurdaspur, June 25 After Kulbir Singh Bira, another Babbar Khalsa terrorist Gurnam Singh, alias Gurcharan Singh, belonging to the Dorangla area in Gurdaspur, is being deported from the US. Security agencies here have completed the formalities for deporting Gurnam Singh. He was to be brought today. However, due to technical formalities he would now be brought in next two days, highly-placed sources told The Tribune. Gurnam was active in Gurdaspur district during the days of terrorism in Punjab. He was a close associate of Babbar Khalsa terrorist Baldev Singh Dorangla. After his associates were killed in police encounters Gurnam managed to flee the country. He had been staying in the US since long. The security agencies had been trying to deport him due to criminal cases pending against him. The Gurdaspur police has started pruning the old files to look for the criminal cases registered against Gurnam. He is likely to face criminal charges in the district after deportation. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- Vaheguroo Jee Kaa Khalsa, Vaheguroo Jee Kee Phateh!!!

I nominate the above as comment of the year on this discussion forum. Vaheguroo Jee Kaa Khalsa, Vaheguroo Jee Kee Phateh!!!

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ SAD (A) activists back Bira Our Correspondent Kulbir Singh Bira, who was recently extradited from the USA, being produced in a court in Phillaur on Saturday. — PTI photo Phillaur, June 24 Tension prevailed in this town when activists of the Shiromani Akali Dal (Amritsar), headed by Dr Harjinder Jakhu and Rajinder Singh Fauji, held a demonstration and raised slogans against the police in support of Kulbir Singh Barrapind, alias Bira, who was produced before the Judicial Magistrate today. Bira, a 'militant', was deported from the USA and brought here on June 19 in connection with several criminal cases. Meanwhile, activists of All-India Anti-Terrorist Front raised slogans against terrorism. DSP Maninderjit Singh Grewal said the Judicial Magistrate had sent Bira into police custody for two more days for further investigation. The accused would be produced before the Judicial Magistrate on June 26. Three members of the US Embassy and Human Rights Watch Commission had visited the police station to check on Bira's health and get information on any police harassment. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Vaheguroo Jee Kaa Khalsa, Vaheguroo Jee Kee Phateh!!!

Brilliant new site developing there in Commemoration of the 400 years since Shaheedi of the great 5th Guroo, Saahib Sree Guroo Arjan Dev Saahib Jee Maharaaj. Some superb Katha and audio is already up. SikhLionz is just as good; some of you may remember this as the one that kept popping up every few seconds on Alpha ETC Panjabi News a few months back as being a "hardcore Khalistani" website lol. Vaheguroo Jee Kaa Khalsa, Vaheguroo Jee Kee Phateh!!!

That is 100% spot on, if Jathedar Jee could release such an edict, it will do a lot of good. Although not a Puraatan symbol, it should never have become a fashion item which is what has already happened with a lot of people... ...and...at the following comment............ ...... Vaheguroo Jee Kaa Khalsa, Vaheguroo Jee Kee Phateh!!!

Penji, Im Veer Jee lol. Baba Jee will be arriving in the UK on the 17h July for three weeks until 9th August. Schedule is now being developed. Information on this site about the 2006 UK Visit of Sant Baba Ranjit Singh Jee Dhadrianwale is under a sticky topic in "FUN | GLOBAL EVENTS | NEWS ARTICLES" section: http://www.sikhsangat.com/index.php?showtopic=19259 The whole Samgam, every diwaan, will be broadcasted live online for the worldwide sangat and on radio in Europe. Online - it is likely the website for the diwaan schedules - www.SantRanjitSinghJi.com - will be used for broadcasting. Radio in Europe - to be confirmed in the next few days. I will PM you. Vaheguroo Jee Kaa Khalsa, Vaheguroo Jee Kee Phateh!!!

BaljitK_Grewal Jee, Sava Lakh Vadiya(n) Thahanoo Amrit Shakkan Diya(n). Congradulations on being able to be acepted as a son/daughter of Guroo Gobind Singh Saahib Jee Maharaaj and may Vaheguroo Jee bless you with a GurSikhi Jeevan. The pictures are very good. Thank you for posting them. Vaheguroo Jee Kaa Khalsa, Vaheguroo Jee Kee Phateh!!!

Just had news from India. Kulbeer Singh Jee is being taken to court today and from the looks of it, he is being treated "ok" at the moment. He also has a lot of support, thousands were assembling outside to greet him and give him their support - thousands! Vaheguroo Jee Kaa Khalsa, Vaheguroo Jee Kee Phateh!!!

Than Than Brehamgianee Sant Baba Jarnail Singh Jee Khalsa Bhindranwale Bhindranwale Sant Sipaahi, Jinhaa Suthee Qaum Jugaee Vaheguroo Jee Kaa Khalsa, Vaheguroo Jee Kee Phateh!!!

All updates and changes to the United Kingdom Schedule (currently being developed), will be put on www.SantRanjitSinghJi.com – intentionally created to deliver the UK 2006 Samagam Schedule and revisions to it that may occur as the visit progresses. Any Diwaans in Gurdwara Saahibs not yet confirmed will also be made known on the website. Additionally, it will be utilised to broadcast live audio of each and every nationwide programme in the UK for the benefit of the worldwide sangat. For some multimedia, visit the India Jatha partner website: www.DhadrianWale.com Vaheguroo Jee Kaa Khalsa, Vaheguroo Jee Kee Phateh!!!

Very long, but a good read for those who do not know too much about Bhai Saahib Jee's background... ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- History about Bhai Kulvir Singh Barapind DURING INTERROGATION, there are at least four or five different types of torture that the police employ in Punjab, a state in northwest India known mostly for its fertile soil, for its quenching rivers, for producing plenty of milk, for high literacy rates and for its concentration of some 14.5 million adherents of the Sikh religion. In 1988, Kulvir Singh Barapind learned about the Punjab police's interrogation methods firsthand. At the time, Barapind was a 24-year-old political activist who had forsaken his final year of college to organize the Sikh population in rural Punjab. Barapind, as he tells it in court testimony, had taken the bus from his village to Rahimpur, a village in a neighboring district, to pull together a ceremony at his village to commemorate the Golden Temple massacre of 1984, when 70,000 Indian troops laid waste to much of Sikhism's holiest temple in an ill-fated and bloody military operation. Barapind intended to invite a notable Rahimpur religious leader for the ceremony in his village. At the bus station, police officers spotted Barapind and a fellow activist who was traveling with him. The two were taken to the local police station for questioning, and the police soon learned that Barapind was his district's president of the All India Sikh Student Federation, a nonviolent organization dedicated to carving out Punjab from India as an independent homeland for the Sikhs. Being a member of the Sikh Federation was a dangerous act in post-1984 India. Barapind was immediately stripped down. His arms were tied behind his back with a rag. He was lifted into the air, where his bound hands were tied to a thick rope that hung from the ceiling. As Barapind dangled, his shoulders curved backward, police officers whacked his midsection. He was lowered and asked for information about the Sikh Student Federation. When he insisted he was only in Rahimpur to invite a religious leader to his ceremony, Barapind was made to sit on the floor and extend his legs, his hands still tied behind his back. An officer rode a 3- foot-long wooden roller, an oversized rolling pin, back and forth over Barapind's thighs a few dozen times. His shrieks of pain did nothing to stop the process. Next, officers grabbed each of Barapind's ankles and began pulling his legs in opposite directions until he felt as if the muscles in his groin would rip. After these methods failed to coax information from Barapind, the process began again. A day's torture completed, Barapind was locked in a crowded, brightly lit prison cell for the night. The following morning he was led into the interrogation room, and the torture began again. When Barapind fainted from pain, the police officers used hot water to revive him. Barapind's interrogation lasted eight days more; then he was sent to jail. Six months later, a judge permitted Barapind to post bail, but the charges against him were eventually dismissed. He returned to his village, but was arrested again the next summer while asleep on the roof of his house, accused of sheltering militants. Once again, the torture began. This time, in addition to methods used during his previous arrest, the police introduced a machine designed to emit electric currents. Wires were attached to Barapind's toes, fingers and genitals. Later, in U.S. court records, Barapind described the sensation as feeling as if the skin of his <admin-profanity filter activated> was peeling off. Khalistan Today, as he has for the last seven years, Barapind sits in a high-security cell in the old Fresno County Jail, one of the longest-held detainees in modern American history. He arrived in the United States in 1993, under the Muslim alias Mahim Mehra. Living underground in Punjab since 1989, the year he was electrocuted by the Punjab police, he fled to Katmandu, then to Bangkok, and on to the United States, where he was detained by immigration officials at LAX for displaying a false passport. Since his detention, Barapind has been in U.S. custody, first fighting for political asylum, then fighting an extradition request by the same Indian government he fled from, an Indian government that accuses him of murdering 26 people in Punjab; Barapind maintains that he has never engaged in violence. Among many Sikhs, especially those who come from rural origins, Barapind is considered something of a folk hero, a warrior-saint who struggles for justice. (Today 80 percent of the 14.5 million Sikhs in Punjab live in rural areas; by contrast, 55 percent of the Hindus in Punjab live in urban areas.) Among other Sikhs, especially those who have assimilated into urban life, he is considered a fundamentalist, a religious literalist. The Indian government—and much of the mainstream press—considers him a terrorist. Despite the label, those who have chanced to meet him—even for a very short time—are eagerly welcomed into the homes of his supporters. "How is Kulvir?" they are asked. "What was his state?" Since his arrival in the United States, Barapind's supporters—and there are many—have raised and spent more than $200,000 for his legal defense. His network of international support stretches from the United Kingdom to Canada, but is centered, remarkably enough, in San Jose, where a number of his closest friends reside. Sikhism (a Sikh is a "student" or "disciple") grew during a period of Muslim Mogul and Afghan rule of the Indian subcontinent by way of a succession of 10 gurus who crystallized the religion in India from 1468 to 1699. Often recognized by others for their distinctive appearance—turbans, bracelets, beards for the men—the Sikh diaspora has also extended to the West (some 4 million Sikhs live in Europe, Canada and the United States). The Sikhs often found themselves at philosophical odds with the Hindu and Muslim majority on the subcontinent. While Sikhism is monotheistic in nature, theologically Hindus and Muslims alike would not accept Sikhism as a religion revealed from God to prophets. Indeed, under India's current constitution, Sikhs, unlike India's Muslims, are expected to abide by the personal and family law of the Hindus. After the partition of India in 1947, the Sikhs, along with about a third of Punjab, were folded into the greater Indian state but agitated for more autonomy. In 1973, the Akali Dal, a Sikh political party, introduced the Anandpur Sahib resolution, which demanded a more decentralized India; Sikh grievances included discriminatory agricultural prices that the central government set for farmers, the diversion of Punjab's river waters and hydroelectric power to other Indian states, and linguistic issues. Since these grievances were never addressed, the Sikhs engaged in mass nonviolent protests for the next decade. By the early 1980s, disillusioned by an unbending and sometimes brutal response to their protests, and galvanized by the zeal of faith, a segment of Sikhs emerged who believed only militancy would bring India to the bargaining table. In 1984, about 200 armed Sikhs, led by the charismatic and controversial Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, took refuge in the Sikhs' holiest site, the Golden Temple in Amritsar. What happened next was what scholars—and even Indian commanders involved in the assault—call a drastic over-response: 70,000 Indian troops, using tanks and heavy arms, fought a three-day battle with the 200 militants for control of the temple. Bhindranwale was killed, the temple badly damaged and scores of pilgrims killed. Indian government estimates put the number at about 400 while independent estimates claim anywhere between 3,000 to 8,000 worshippers were caught in the crossfire. ( The New York Times reported in 1984 that the Indian government waited eight full days after the army took control to allow reporters access to the temple; indeed, the initial battle stories were filed from New Delhi, not from Amritsar.) During the same week, government forces also attacked 37 other Sikh temples across Punjab. Months later, Indira Gandhi, India's prime minister, was assassinated by two of her bodyguards, who were Sikhs. Her assassination sparked waves of anti-Sikh violence across India. In New Delhi alone, between 3,000 to 4,000 Sikhs were murdered. Roving mobs conducted the violence that benefited—much like the recent anti-Muslim violence in the Indian state of Gujarat—from the tacit approval and even aid from the Indian government. The sanctioned violence gave more popular support to Sikhs committed to militancy. In 1986, they formally announced a desire for an independent Sikh state to be called Khalistan. The government's response was a brutal crackdown on the Khalistan movement. (India, along with its rich diversity, has a history of communal problems; its reasons—not its tactics—behind opposing a separate Khalistan during the insurgency are considered valid by mainstream political scientists. Among other effects, political observers say, a separate Punjab state would only disintegrate India's union by sparking other independence movements and would remove India's best farmland and river waters from the union.) Legislation was passed permitting extended detentions, secret evidence, hiding the identity of witnesses and the use of confessions obtained through interrogations. Meanwhile, the Punjab police were given the responsibility of directing the counterinsurgency in Punjab. Police resorted to civil rights abuses. They armed thousands of anti-Sikh villagers. They started a "Black Cats" program, which infiltrated the Sikh resistance groups. To the dismay of international human rights groups, they engaged in torture to extract confessions and information. And they carried out extrajudicial executions of suspected militants and their supporters, dumping bodies into irrigation canals or illegally cremating them; the extent of the extrajudicial executions is being discovered only today. In the ensuing years, especially during the early 1990s, there was widespread chaos. Civilians were being slaughtered indiscriminately—the militants blamed the authorities who had infiltrated their ranks; the authorities blamed the militants. Militants continued to target police, collaborators and political figures who supported the counterinsurgency tactics. Police targeted anyone remotely associated with the Khalistan movement, including farmers and peasants who fed and housed militants in the countryside, human rights advocates and nonviolent activists and supporters of Khalistan. Independent observers say 10,000 to 20,000 people, including countless innocent civilians, died each year at the height of the insurgency. The brutal counterinsurgency succeeded in quieting the Khalistan movement, though, and, like Barapind, many of the movement's leaders and organizers fled India. "There's a huge amount that's known and published about the counterinsurgency," acknowledges Brad Adams, the Asia director of Human Rights Watch. "I was just in Amritsar [in Punjab] a few months ago, pursuing these very same subjects up to the present. There are still people being attacked." But how does this happen under a democracy, the largest in the world? "The first thing I would say is that one should not confuse democracy with human rights," Adams continues. "Political pluralism, government succession without violence—India does have that. It has an independent election commission. [india] is a very contradicting place. In Punjab thousands were killed; in Kashmir; in northeast India, thousands of people are being killed. But then, you have a very sophisticated [electoral] process. When the BJP lost an election this year, they walked away immediately. There was not even a whiff, not even an idea of them clinging to power through extraconstitutional means. That makes India hard to understand. ... Let's talk about New Delhi after Indira Gandhi was assassinated. Her party was the Congress Party. Leading members of the party got together—and they are identifiable—and decided to avenge her death by sponsoring riots and pogroms against Sikhs. And this is the party that just won the most recent election, to the glee of most liberals of India, but has never reconciled its own past. I'm not sure what lessons to draw from that." Encounters Parminder Singh is perhaps the polar opposite of Jaskaran Kaur. Singh, at one time a national champion weightlifter in India, is tall and thick. Kaur is short and slight. Singh chooses not to don the customary Sikh turban. Kaur resolutely wraps one on her head. Singh sells orchids for a living. Kaur has a Harvard law degree and focuses on human rights issues. In his south San Jose home, Singh lives with his wife and three children, an older brother (who is disabled) and his mother. Kaur, though married, relishes her independence in Santa Clara, about a continent away from her extended family on the East Coast. Singh was born in Barapind's village in Punjab. Kaur was born and raised in New Jersey. Still, when the new Sikh temple opened its doors last month in San Jose, near the Evergreen neighborhood, it was the unlikely partnership between Singh and Kaur that allowed Kaur to give a presentation on human rights research she's conducting in Punjab. (Kaur is one of a small group of activists focusing on documenting state human rights violations in Punjab during the counterinsurgency operations of the 1980s and 1990s.) At the temple, Kaur and her group not only wanted to distribute fliers for outreach but also wanted to deliver a presentation about their findings. "We had hoped to do this at the grand opening, and there were some people who objected to our participating in the grand opening because there was this tendency to see any discussion about human rights in Punjab as anti-religion or as anti-India," relates Kaur. "So they thought that we would alienate the outside community. We went to a couple of meetings and there were a lot of arguments, and it just came down to us being allowed to distribute material. Then the people who were sympathetic to our work put enough pressure on them that we ended up speaking on Saturday. We didn't speak on Sunday [the main night of the grand opening], but we did speak on Saturday." That's when Singh stepped in. "I know a lot of people," says Singh, nonchalantly shrugging his shoulders. "I'm well-respected in the community, and I was able to talk to the right people." Kaur's research stems directly from the findings of the abducted (and allegedly murdered) Sikh activist Jaswant Singh Khalra. Khalra, a leader in the human rights wing of the Akali Dal, the Sikh political party, investigated what were euphemistically known as "encounters" in Punjab after a friend disappeared at the hands of the Punjab police. Through some clever detective work, Khalra discovered that hundreds of bodies labeled as "unidentified and unclaimed" were being cremated by police at local crematoriums. By accessing crematorium and firewood purchase records, Khalra estimated some 2,000 illegal cremations were conducted in just three crematoriums in the only district of the 13 Punjab districts that he studied. Eight months after he publicized his findings in January of 1995, police commandos kidnapped Khalra while he was washing his car outside his house. He was never "officially" seen again. Meanwhile, India's Supreme Court has ordered that 2,097 of the illegal cremations discovered by Khalra be investigated. In 2003, Kaur helped three human rights activists publish a report documenting the names and lives of many of the victims of the "encounters" Khalra discovered. The report prompted Khushwant Singh, a widely read Indian novelist and social critic to write: "I supported ...extrajudicial methods to stamp out terrorism. ...When stories came out about abductions and cold-blooded killings of over 2,000 young Sikhs in Amritsar and Tarn Taran, I refused to accept them simply on records of purchases of wood made by police to cremate them. [The report] is spine-chilling. I often wonder why so many senior police officers drink so hard. Now I have a clue." The critic's admission, though, doesn't impress Kaur. "Everyone in Punjab knows about [the killings]," she says. "Why don't more people know about it? How many people have died in Iraq? Do you have any way of knowing? Who controls the information? The government, or people who want to appease the government? People in the cities do not venture out into the villages. They were so fed on state propaganda that they saw them all as terrorists. Human rights organizations were threatened and accused of being front groups for terrorist organizations. So when Khushwant Singh says, I used to support extrajudicial executions, and now I know why I'm wrong"—her eyes flash darkly—"just the fact that he supported them, that didn't raise an outcry?" Innocent Civilian In 11 separate charges, the government of India has accused Barapind of committing 26 murders, all during a three-year span during the early 1990s, when the violence of the insurgency and the counterinsurgency in Punjab was at its height. When he arrived in the United States as Mahim Mehra in 1993—which is still the name the U.S. Marshal Service and Citizenship and Immigration Service have on record—and was subsequently caught at the airport, Barapind promptly applied for political asylum. However, during the asylum proceedings, Indian authorities requested he be extradited to India to face 26 counts of murder. The two separate issues only complicated his legal situation in the United States, and the most tangible result has been that Barapind has been detained, but not arrested, for the last 11 years. "In India, it was physical torture; here, the torture is mental," Barapind sighs. Satish Kumar Sharma, the lead Indian police officer who is requesting Barapind's extradition, has a rich history during the counterinsurgency operations in Punjab. Kaur's human rights organization, ENSAAF, has submitted a supporting brief for Barapind's case that alleges Sharma is directly "responsible for numerous cases of arbitrary detention, torture and extrajudicial execution or disappearance." One Sacramento man whom Kaur herself interviewed claimed Sharma interrogated him and directed others to torture him. Meanwhile, contends the Indian government, on June 29, 1991, Rajinder Kaur and her husband, Kulwinder Singh, were preparing for bed. At 11pm, the bedroom door burst open, and Barapind and a comrade entered the room. He pulled Kulwinder Singh out into the veranda and, despite his pleas for mercy, shot him with an assault rifle. The charge is based on an unsigned affidavit submitted by the Indian government that is said to be Rajinder Kaur's account of the night. On Oct. 5, 1991, 60-year-old Rattan Singh was traveling to a religious ceremony along with Thekedar Ram Tirath, Tarlochan Singh and Jaspal Singh. At 10:30am, Barapind allegedly emerged from the bushes near a bridge and, armed with an assault rifle, began firing at the jeep. Ram Tirath, Tarlochan Singh and Jaspal Singh were all killed. Rattan Singh survived the attack, and the Indian government submitted his unsigned affidavit to charge Barapind. On Sept. 6, 1992, Sohan Singh was sleeping on the roof of his house along with his sons Paramjit Singh and Kashmir Singh. A third son, Karamjit Singh, slept with his wife, Kulwant Kaur, inside the house. All three of Sohan Singh's sons were considered "pro-police" and were given arms by the police. At 2am, four individuals, including Barapind, climbed to the roof of the house. Kashmir Singh frantically attempted to load ammunition into his rifle, but, before he could do so, Barapind shot and killed him with an AK-47. Barapind then shot Paramjit Singh and asked for the whereabouts of Sohan's third son. When told he was downstairs, Barapind remained to guard the parents and the other three assailants shot and killed Karamjit Singh and Kulwant Kaur. An unsigned affidavit of Sohan Singh is submitted for evidence. In court, Barapind faced a tricky task in defending himself. American extradition law allows for political exceptions; meaning that if the violence in question is determined to be part of an ongoing political movement or rebellion, the United States can opt not to extradite. How to distinguish between political violence and terrorism? Generally, the rule is that a distinction must be made between domestic revolutionary violence and international terrorism. However, Barapind does not admit to any of the 26 killings (and, thus, explain the specifics of any political context) because not only does he insist he never engaged in violence, but because any admission could allow the Indian government to use it against him if the extradition is granted. As a result, Barapind had to employ a general political exception defense, based on the totality of the circumstances in Punjab during the early 1990s, and also attempt to pick apart the support for the specific charges leveled against him. When his attorneys researched the case, the task of picking apart the support for the specific charges didn't seem as difficult as anticipated. (At the extradition hearing, the judge described the Indian government's hands as "not entirely clean.") There were several problems with the affidavits the Indian government submitted to the United States. For starters, they were unsigned. However, since many of the witnesses were illiterate, Indian authorities explained that the affidavits were transcripts of oral statements read back to the witnesses and signed by a thumbprint on the back of Barapind's picture. The photocopies of the pictures submitted, though, showed no such thumbprints. Also, the affidavits were in English. The original Punjabi versions were never offered. Further, many of the affidavits, said to be the witnesses' words, curiously began and ended with the same sentence, giving credence to the assumption that the allegedly incriminating affidavits were, in fact, "stock" affidavits of the Punjab police. Noticing the irregularities in the evidence given by India, Jagdip Singh Sekhon, one of Barapind's attorneys, decided to travel to India himself to investigate further. Sekhon, also a lecturer at the University of California at Davis, informed the court and the representatives of the Indian government of his intentions, and, while preparing to leave, had his visa denied by the Indian government. Finally, Sekhon resorted to seeking help from attorneys already practicing in India. The Indian attorneys, in turn, tracked down many of the same witnesses whose statements India had submitted for evidence and took their own affidavits. "Those affidavits were given to us right before the trial [by Barapind's attorneys]," complains U.S. Attorney Stanley Boone, who is representing India during the extradition proceedings. "We don't know the nature of the witnesses; we don't know how the witnesses were confronted." The findings, nonetheless, were remarkable. For instance, Sekhon's Indian attorneys found Rattan Singh, who was said to have survived an assault by Barapind that killed three of his fellow travelers and whose affidavit that identified Barapind as the gunman was submitted by the Indian government as evidence. In a conflicting affidavit—this one properly signed and appearing with the original Punjabi—Rattan Singh maintained that he never gave the police the name of his assailants because he was unable to identify them. Further, Rattan Singh swears, he was forcibly taken to the police station and asked to give an affidavit that identified Barapind. When he refused, the police pressed his thumbprints onto several sheets of blank paper. These thumbprints, says Rattan Singh, were then used to "identify" Barapind as the killer. In another case, Sekhon's Indian attorneys tracked down Rajinder Kaur's testimony during the murder trial of the two assailants said to be with Barapind that night. In her testimony, Rajinder Kaur testified under oath that she couldn't identify any of the shooters that night. Further, the attorneys tracked down Jaswinder Singh, the son of Sarwan Singh, who was murdered the same night along with Rajinder Kaur's husband. In his affidavit, again properly signed, Jaswinder Singh supports Rajinder Kaur's trial testimony, insisting he was with her during the shootings and that the police themselves identified Barapind as the shooter. Due to Jaswinder Singh and Rajinder Kaur's testimony, the other two accused murderers were acquitted in a trial in India. Finally, in the case of Kulwant Kaur and the three collaborators, affidavits were taken of several townspeople, including village elders and mayors, which confirmed the three sons "terrorized" the village and were supported by the police. When one village complained to police about the three brothers, the police ignored the complaint and "allowed the three brothers to sit alongside them as equals." Similar conflicting information was introduced by Sekhon's attorneys on all 11 of the charges filed by the Indian government against Barapind. When the federal judge eventually ruled on the extradition request on Aug. 27, 2001, he threw out eight of the charges against Barapind. There was probable cause that he didn't commit three of the murders, the judge ruled. In the other five, the judge gave Barapind the political exception. On the remaining three charges, however, the judge found him extraditable. One of those was the murder of Kulwant Kaur, who the police say was killed not by Barapind, but by his associates. In his opinion, the judge, while accepting the possibility that the three murdered sons could have, indeed, been collaborators and terrorizers of a village, could not accept the death of Kulwant Kaur (the wife of one of the sons), who he described as an "innocent civilian." The judge's opinion, however, is based on law that is meant only for those who specifically target civilians in their attacks, argue Barapind's attorneys. "There's one [previous] case in U.S. courts that rules the deaths of civilians in political contexts is 'incidental'; there's another that rules anyone who targets civilians can never qualify for a political exception, explains Sekhon, one of Barapind's attorneys. "So let's say there was an insurgency in China, and somebody sets up a bomb in the marketplace. Under the first case you can still qualify for the political exception, under the second, you can't. They are trying to say that the law of the second case prevents Kulvir from getting an exception because of what happened to Kulwant Kaur [the wife of the targeted collaborator]. But the whole debate between the two cases is a smokescreen; they're trying to suck us into an argument that's not relevant. Ours is a situation where the death of the civilian was not a targeted death. It's more similar to U.S. soldiers being engaged in violence with combatants and a civilian death occurs." "They are not soldiers," retorts Boone, referring to the Sikh separatists. "They are not in uniform. Also, he [barapind] has never admitted that he committed the crimes. That's like having your cake and eating it too. In criminal law, the fact that somebody kills somebody and somebody else is also shot, that's called transferred intent. That's what murder is about. What happens if Timothy McVeigh comes along? When does that turn into an uprising? That [barapind's argument] under the law is not sufficient. Otherwise everybody would go I don't like those people." Boone, tellingly, makes no distinction between McVeigh's popular support and tactics and those of pro-Khalistan Sikhs in Punjab. Based on the three remaining charges, Barapind was ordered to be extradited to India to face justice in the hands of the same authorities who allegedly fabricated affidavits against him, tortured him and fought against his movement during the insurgency after the Blue Star Massacre—this was allowable under the rule of "specialty," meaning that India could try him only for the offenses specified by the American judge. "Our concern is that even if Kulvir surives the torture and the extrajudicial treatment, that the Indian government would not honor the rule of specialty because they haven't in the past," Sekhon warns. "They would detain Kulvir as a political prisoner." Jokester Kulvir Singh Barapind, who has never been interviewed in person during his 11 years of detention in the United States, was never politically active as a youth. He was born into a family of farmers in the village of Barapind (literally meaning "Big Village"), and it's the esteem that he's acquired now from the Sikh community that allows him to be identified by the name of his village. Politically active Sikhs held rallies in his village during the time Barapind was growing up, but his parents always advised him to stay away from politics and activism. There was too much trouble associated with it, they told him. After the Golden Temple Massacre, however, Barapind dropped out of the university. He could no longer fight the urge to do something for his community. Joining the All India Sikh Student Federation, an activist group that advocated for Khalistan, he quickly proved an adept activist and soon rose to giving speeches in front of audiences numbering in the tens of thousands. Meanwhile, he became a baptized Sikh and attempted to mold his character according to his religion. "When people speak about Kulvir now, they have tears in their eyes," says Parminder Singh, who was also raised in Barapind's village. Parminder Singh, younger than Barapind by a few years, remembers looking up to Barapind. "He would always advise me not to get politically involved. He was concerned about my safety. He's always looking out for people. Even now, from jail, he's always concerned about people and trying to help people." Barapind has long, stringy black hair that he ties up in a bun perched neatly on top of his head. At the Fresno County Jail, he's not permitted to wear his religiously obligated turban, and his hair, which shines from the intensity of its blackness, is displayed for all to see. He has a long, smooth forehead, free from any of the stress or age-related creases one would expect. His beard extends down to his navel, and only his eye betray any sense of a man who has suffered. His movements are quick; he snaps his fingers when he talks, and he's a bit of a jokester. His ankles are chained together. One hand is allowed to remain free, while the other is chained to his waist. He resides in solitary confinement and says that sometimes the officers will show him off to visitors dressed in suits; they brag that they're holding a "terrorist." At the jail, he's dressed in a yellow jumpsuit and bright orange shoes without laces. When he speaks, it's difficult for him to talk about himself. Mostly, he will lapse into analyzing the political situation of the Sikhs in Punjab. "When I was in school," he says, "we used to read in the papers about [the] Sikh leaders making demands for religious rights for Sikhs, making demands for Punjab. I didn't comprehend at a deep level how Hindustan was a separate nation, not for Sikhs, but after 1984 [after Blue Star], I realized that the Hindustan government's policy was to finish off the Sikhs." When he's asked about the torture he's endured, he again manages only a half-hearted attempt to explain his emotions, but speaks easily about the general reasons why torture is implemented. "You're filled up with pain and anguish," he says. "You don't want to get into the hands of the police again. The police's purpose is always to cause pain and humiliate you, to stop you from thinking the way you do. But, if you're religiously inclined and step back from the situation, it's shows their weakness. The government can't stop you. They might be able to silence you for a short time, but they can't stop you. If you're weak in thinking, they can stop you. If you have strength in your thoughts, you can continue to raise your voice." His opinions about the use of violence to achieve political ends? Again, Barapind distances himself from the answer (and the militancy): "People need to carefully understand each country's unique situation before judging whether those who chose to engage in an armed struggle are justified," he explains. "There are four parts to a democracy: the legislature, the police, the judiciary, and the press. What do you do if your justice system doesn't dispense justice under the government? And the police act extrajudicially under that same government's orders? People need to delicately understand why these things happen when judging whether armed revolt is justified. Militant Sikhs believe they have no other option. They can't even go to court—look at the case of Jaswant Singh Khalra. They believe they have no way out of these oppressions. Even the press is reporting for the government, so the truth of the people is left behind. You can't look at the situation in Punjab through American lenses. Human rights groups are not even allowed into Punjab to inquire about abuses." Later in the conversation, Barapind makes a distinction between militancy and terrorism. "First you should understand the difference between the two terms," he instructs. "There is a difference between terrorists who target civilians and people fighting for religious freedoms, for human rights and for free countries. [The Sikhs], both the militants and the peaceful political activists, are like freedom fighters. Those who call the Khalistanis terrorists are politically ignorant people or those who want to destroy them." Should militants be fueled by anger? "The movement's purpose is to get the government to a point of dialogue," says Barapind. "When the government doesn't address the issues and tries to discredit them, only then can an armed struggle in resistance to state oppression be justified. Nothing will be solved by anger. The point of resistance is to get the government into an honest dialogue." Barapinds ends by acknowledging the esteem he's held in by many parts of the Sikh community. "I'm very grateful that God has given me this gift of honor," he says. "The Sikhs have given me a lot of honor, respect and company. I feel proud of how I have been received by the community. This shows that the Sikh community has accepted our struggle." ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Vaheguroo Jee Kaa Khalsa, Vaheguroo Jee Kee Phateh!!!

A poster for the visit: ...If those with websites, access to other forums, blogs...etc, please upload the poster (it has been compressed to make it a smaller file for the Web). Thanks! Vaheguroo Jee Kaa Khalsa, Vaheguroo Jee Kee Phateh!!!

Than Than Guroo Granth Saahib Jee Maharaaj Dee Guroo Pyaree Saadh Sangat Jeeo, Vaheguroo Jee Kaa Khalsa, Vaheguroo Jee Kee Phateh!!! In commemoration of the 400th Martyrdom Anniversary of the 5th Master of the Sikh Religion: Sree Guroo Arjan Dev Saahib Jee Maharaaj …it is with pleasure and contentment, Daas informs internet viewers, members and guests of this forum, eminent preacher of the Sikh Qaum, Mahapurkh from village Dhadrian… SANT BABA RANJIT SINGH JEE DHADRIANWALE (Gurdwara Sree Parmeshar Dwar Saahib, Shekpura, Patiala) …will be coming with Jatha Nirvair Khalsa for their second United Kingdom: Guroo Manio Granth Mahaan Chetna Samagam …to discourse the Sikh ideology and history thus encourage Amrit Paan with three weeks of Gurbaani Katha Keertan Updesh commencing: 19th July 2006 to: 10th August 2006 *ORGANISED BY THE UK SAADH SANGAT* CONTACTS FOR FURTHER INFORMATION: Jaspal Singh Nijjar: 07831 400 924 Lakhjeet Singh Sahni: 07910 350 775 Email: info@SantRanjitSinghJi.com ALL GURDWARA SAAHIB DIWAANS WILL BE BROADCASTED ON RADIO AND WORLDWIDE ONLINE. Vaheguroo Jee Kaa Khalsa, Vaheguroo Jee Kee Phateh!!! (P.S. It is a most humble Benthi/Request to the sangat that this topic remains "clean" for the pending weeks and throughout the visit. To be used wholly and utterly for the preparations of the visit, the changes to any scheduling, information to do with the visit and the Saadh Sangat's experiences of the Guroo Manio Granth Mahaan Chetna Samagam Diwaans. Dhaas sincerely trusts and hopes that all members will respect each others views and that a step towards Ekta is taken for the Chardhee Kalaa of the Khalsa Panth. PLEASE FORWARD ABOVE STATEMENT TO ALL EMAIL CONTACTS, DISCUSSION FORUMS, GROUPS, WEBSITES...etc. Thank you in advance.)