SadSingh

These problems exist because most of the translations are done by individuals instead of groups or committes. when a individual translates its easy for him to mix his Mat/thinking into Gurbani. It would be wise if couple of different jathebandies collaborated to produce a translation. Different jathas working together would make sure that bias of a particular group doesnt creep in.

The reason it was re-uploaded is it shows how this is being done in the open and for a long time and we know who is doing it according to the article, but still action has not been taken. We need to document this, if anyone has any more articles please post it under this topic so we can have many sources.

One thing our community needs to do is take these things very seriously if we dont the misinformation will continue and grow. This article is filled with errors and misinformation most of us will laugh and forget about it but the average reader of this article will not be able to tell the difference. This article will probably be used in the future as a source that somehow Sikhs are getting fundamental. Our community is known for laughing and ignoring these kinds of things which in due time will come to bit us. We need Sikh journalists and writers to respond to these kinds of articles immediately and ask for an apology and have them correct all the errors. The media knows were lazy in responding and they will take advantage of that. When it comes to responding our gyanies and granthies are useless since they dont know the language. Its up to Sikh journalists and youth to respond.

Just to remind everyone, when bapu surat singh ji went on his hunger strick. i said we should not let a old man do this. we should do something and i mentioned couple of things we could do but everyone said this is the only way we could get anything done by his hunger stick but all of a sudden we are meeting in the hundreds of thousands for this dera issue couldn't we have done the same for bapu surat singh issue. where was this energy for bapu surat singh. now our focus has been taken from him and onto a new issue. we should first help bapu surat singh

Important Message From Dhadrian Wale Please Watch **IMPORTANT MESSAGE FROM DHADRIANWALE** Ref: Thre…:

In this video Giani Thakur Singh explains some of the things that happen on the spiritual path. Giani Ji mentions that some people get afraid after they have some experiences while doing Simran. Giani Ji explains that these things do happen and we should talk to a Nam Abyasi to clear our doubts. Giani Ji explains that some times people thought those people who did Simran and had these experiences were crazy. Giani Ji explained he had to tell alot of people they are not crazy but they are getting to high stages of there Bhagti and these things happen. No one should stop doing Simran. Reality of Giani Thakur Singh Ji's life/experience:

I have heard from alot of advance spiritual people, who do alot of Simran that these things do happen but not to everyone. This is not anything to worry about. As you do more Simran everything from Gurbani will become clear. The best thing to do is to ask the person who is leading the Simran ask him to explain everything to you.

A journey of Sikh Shrines of Punjab by a Singh who traveled to hundreds of Sikh shrines on his bicycle and taking pictures during his travels. Some stories can only begin with once upon a time like this little-known history of an indefatigable pilgrim, Dhanna Singh Patialvi, who travelled to every Sikh shrine in an undivided India on his humble bicycle in the 1920s and 1930s, clicking pictures and chronicling his travels. When his lost legacy eight diaries and more than 200 pictures came up for preservation at the Punjab Digital Library (PDL) in Chandigarh, Singh returned to life, 85 years later, to tell the story of the Sikh shrines as they stood in that bygone era. While many of these gurdwaras are big centres of the Sikh faith today, some have lingered on the margins and a few remain unknown. What we know about Singh is from his diaries and a brief mention in the Sikh Encyclopedia. Sarovar Panja Sahib Gurdwara:Hasan Abdal, Kaimalpur district (now in Pakistan). Clicked in April 1932. Born as Lal Singh Chahal in the early 1890s at Ghannauri village of Sangrur district, he grew up in an orphanage with his brother and later served the royal family of Patiala, taking care of the cars of Maharaja Bhupinder Singh. The royal family records would have some details on him, said PDL head Davinder Pal Singh. Baptised as Dhanna Singh at Nanded in his thirties, he quit royal service to feed his hunger for travel. A devout Sikh, he bicycled to every gurdwara in India, starting in the 1920s with a trip to Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Bengal and Assam. Newspapers published the accounts of what he saw. Pind Baddo Ki Gosain Ka:Gujranwala (now in Pakistan). Other than Sikh Gurus, the place is also dedicated to the Gosain sect. Clicked in October 1933. From Wazirabad, he came to Gujarat on the April 6, 1932. His first photograph is of Takht Damdama Sahib (dedicated to the sixth Guru), where he stopped on his way from Kashmir; the second of a gurdwara in the northeast of Gujarat linked to Guru Hargobind; and the third of Shaheedi Gurdwara Fatehsar, north of Gujarat, where Singh reports that the Sikhs saved 17,000 Hindus from the cruel Muslim forces the entry translated by Mannat, a volunteer at PDL. Dhanna Singh wished the world to see these places too. So he bought a camera, an expensive proposition in those times, and learnt photography before starting his next journey across undivided Punjab, Jammu and Kashmir and what is now Pakistan, said digital libray head Davinder Pal. Visiting various Sikh shrines and historical places, the pilgrim took several hundred photos, which he captioned, dated and signed meticulously, as his gift to posterity. The picture is captioned Pind Dehra Sahibji dedicated to Banda Singh Bahadur. He is also referred to as Baba Lachhman Singhji and Baba Gurbaksh Singh Shahid. It was clicked in September 1932 in Jammu. He called himself cycle yatru and he appeared in pictures with his ride twice in the 1935 edition of Phulwari, a popular magazine of that time, which recounts one of his trips to the hills. The same year, it reported that Singh, who had logged 25,000 miles on his bicycle by then, had been killed by a freak gunshot. The Sikh Encyclopedia reports that while travelling to the North Western Frontier Province (NWFP), he halted at Hasokhel village near Mir Ali in Bannu district, now in Pakistan. It was a common practice for the people in that disturbed area to keep loaded weapons by their side at night. Next morning, as the host was unloading his gun, it went off, killing Dhanna Singh on the spot. Anandpur Sahib Gurdwara Qila Anandgarh:Falling in Hoshiarpur district. Clicked in May 1934. His earlier travel notes were safe in the custody of one Seva Singh, son of the late mistri Gurbaksh Singh of Patiala, but his photographs were lost, until a family, which wishes to remain anonymous, brought these to the languages department in Patiala. The family said he had left the works with a friend for safekeeping before setting out on the final picture pilgrimage. The man behind the pictures: The rediscovered photographs of Dhanna Singh who is on his bycyle (left) which was featyred in a 1935 edition of magazine Phulwari. Some of the pictures can be seen on link below http://dailysikhupdates.com/rare-discovery-of-pictures-from-1932-from-singhs-travels-on-bicycle-in-undivided-punjab/

Even if we get the best leaders who are they going to lead? our maya hungry pindus. the problem with our community is were always waiting for someone else to do the work were suppose to do. The first thing we need to do is have our community take their work and responsibilities seriously. we need the parents to put the newspaper away and turn off the dramas and teach their children Gurmat. Even if they dont know anything, give them a simple book with Gurmat stories and have them read it to there children also have the children do a hour of Simran instead of putting them infront of the television. Then we need the gyanies and granthies to take their work seriously and actually teach the youth and children instead of eating langer all day and gaining weight. also we need the gurdwara committee to take there work seriously they need to have Gurmat activities for the children,youth, and adults. Instead of spending large amount of money on nagar kirtans, making more buildings that no one is going to use and importing kathavacks from overseas they need to train there own kathavacks who are familiar with the language you can see most of our problems stem from no one taking there work seriously

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On a side note why would someone be part of a group call "Sant Samaj", wouldn't that be a ego boost

Remember Sant Samaj and its head Harnam Singh Dumma are close friends of badal. Badal could easily make harnam singh dumma jathedar to quiet everyone and still have control of akal takhat.

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This is a long article written in Wednesday, August 15, 1984. i edited the second part because i pasted the section twice and have added the missing section.

Amardeep Singh Ranghar i want to thank you for writing and photographing our heritage this book is a great documentation of our culture. Also are you making any documentary videos of your journey to these places. i hope in the future you plan on writing more books and pamphlets

PART 3 CONTINUED THIS S THE LAST PART OF THE ARTICLE leaders admit, is Baba Kharak Singh who seems to be just that bit more inclined towards the Akalis and the SGPC. "You can hardly blame him for that," said a Congress(I) leader, explaining, "he has to be angry, for 22 of his unarmed followers were among those killed in the army action." As such, Kharak Singh is known for his haughty temper. Yet, he is a straightforward man of religion with no concern other than the enhancement of the glory of the panth. He also has never been part of the Akali Dal and it should be possible to persuade him to join in. But that would inevitably entail buying some kind of peace with the Akalis which the Government does not seem eager to do. That is why the thrust and intensity of the Government's offensive against the Akalis could prove counter-productive in the long run. There is no denying that the Akalis have much to answer for their weakness, short-sightedness and even downright perfidy. Even in their mood of anger against the Government the Sikhs understand that much. But the current government effort to push the Akalis to the wall could work to their advantage as any suggestion of "persecution", whether physical or political, would help them win back sympathy. Thus, overdoing the Akalis' political condemnation at this stage cannot be compatible with a far-sighted strategy to apply the healing touch. The Government cannot gloss over the fact that while the Akalis abetted extremism, many of ruling party's own functionaries are not too innocent on this count. In the search for a solution to the Punjab tangle, the Akalis, Mrs Gandhi and the Opposition will have to bury the past, for any attempt to look back on their collective folly would only reopen wounds.

PART TWO CONTINUED But if the entry of the Nihangs had caused the Akalis temporary discomfiture it could also prove to be a blessing in disguise. Beleaguered and totally lacking in credibility, the Akalis had been looking for a casus belli to regain support in their constituency. The Government's effort to begin kar sewa through Santa Singh gave them just the populistic cause they had been looking for. Said Akali leader Major Singh Uboke: "This is our best chance. At last it is becoming a purely religious movement." Even in the state Congress(I) circles there were apprehensions that the move could misfire. The Nihangs are sticky customers with a history of gurudwara grabbing behind them. Said a Congress(I) leader, declining to be identified: "My fear is we are replacing one scourge with another. Tomorrow it may be difficult to dislodge Santa Singh whose followers carry firearms too. And how do you convince the Sikhs that one man's rifles are less undesirable than another's?" Said Amarinder Singh, who resigned from the Congress(I) and Parliament in protest against the army action but is opposed to the idea of keeping the destroyed Akal Takht as a relic: "The present arrangement where Santa Singh plays to the tune of either the army or some ruling party gentlemen shall prove counter-productive. It is the familiar divide and rule strategy that we will not tolerate. Akal Takht constructed by the Government shall be demolished. If none else does it I would." His words are echoed by many other Sikhs. But in Home Ministry circles, an amendment to the SGPC Act was already being contemplated. Said an official: "Most Hindu temples including Tirupati are managed by boards that have government nominees. What is so special about gurudwaras?" Younger functionaries in the ruling party, particularly, are inclined this way. The SGPC came into being on the basis of an Akali edict on the reform of gurudwaras in 1920 and was formalised by the Sikh Gurudwara Act passed by the British after a bloody agitation. The Act gave the SGPC, a body elected by all adult Sikhs, control over 232 gurudwaras in Punjab. Delhi felt that the initial anger among the Sikhs was a temporary phase and would soon be replaced by a mood of realism. It was in this anticipation of relative peace on the agitation front that the Government had at last initiated the long-awaited process of reorganisation of the administrative machinery, beginning with the replacement of an erratic P.C. Sethi by P.V. Narasimha Rao. Major administrative changes being made in Punjab included: replacement of Chief Secretary K.D. Vasudeva, who has been indisposed for some time, by P.K. Kathpalia, a joint secretary in the Union Law Ministry: creation of a post of joint director by the Intelligence Bureau at Chandigarh. A police officer of inspector-general's rank is being shortly posted there; finalisation of the first list of officers to be brought into Punjab from outside states and Punjab officers to be transferred out of Punjab. The high-powered administrative panel led by R.V. Subramaniam, an IAS officer who had been principal advisor to the governor in Assam during the elections in February 1983, had been touring the districts to finalise more transfers and postings. Indications were that the Government was planning to induct a number of CRPF and BSF officers on deputation to the Punjab police to deal with terrorists. "The local police officers have a genuine problem since they arc easily recognisable," explained a home ministry official, mentioning the fact that even in the course of interrogation of terrorists caught in the army action, a lot of Punjab police officers have been wearing masks. Simultaneously the Government was going about modernising the police force. Yet as Mrs Gandhi firmly made clear in Parliament, the army was not going to be withdrawn in a hurry. But even if the army stays on, the peace it promises can at best be tenuous. Its presence for too long will inevitably lead to irritation, its effectiveness will be guided by the law of diminishing returns. The fact was brought home rather effectively last fortnight with the sabotage of the Bhakra canal. Wherever the blame may lie, the saboteurs did a shrewd job in selecting to breach a spot where the damage to the crops in the Punjab area would be minimal. The canal here passes through an aqueduct under the Siswan rivulet to provide it unhindered passage. A breach downstream was sure to hit the structures through the sheer force of gushing waters which would, in turn, go into the rivulet rather than flood farmlands in Punjab villages and alienate the local population. Earlier in June too a similar sport had been chosen and breached near the Budki rivulet. Another sad point the canal breach proved was that there are still many terrorists roaming the countryside. In fact, in many villages all over the state. Khalistan flags have appeared on rooftops, more as a symbol of defiance than a wish for secession. Intelligence sources feel that now the extremist movement will become more like classical terrorism. The canal breaches are a case in point. Intelligence sources also speak of the formation of a number of small terrorist groups styling themselves as suicidal assassination squads. One such group called "Miri-Piri" has reportedly been, formed somewhere in the Amritsar district. According to intelligence men its objective is to kill President Zail Singh, Mrs Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi, and generals Dayal and Brar. The trend that the extremist movement follows will also be closely linked to the way the Akali leadership grows in future. As of now, the Akalis stand discredited, outdated and incapable of defending themselves. This is to some extent because all their important leaders are in jail and because they are also finding it difficult to cover up for the series of blunders they have made in recent months. Today, a majority of the Sikhs look at them scornfully, for they "surrendered" rather than fought at the temple. The Hindus, the Government and moderates among the Sikhs also blame them for letting Bhindranwale convert the Golden Temple into a fortress for the terrorists. It is against this background that the second-line Akali leadership has found it impossible to recapture the old fervour of the morcha. The lukewarm response to the shahidi jathu movement is a clear indication of this lack of credibility. The surviving rump of the Akali leadership today is caught on the horns of a dilemma, blaming the Government for all that has gone wrong on the one hand and defending their own impotence on the other. Said Bibi Rajinder Kaur: "Most of us were opposed to Bhindranwale's ways and it is true that we did not oppose him too stoutly. But remember that even the prime minister's son, who has so much security, was too scared to call him an extremist. Now, if he is afraid of the guns, aren't we?" But out in the streets the same leaders forget all about introspection. They hail Bhindranwale as a martyr and, in one sweep, sanctify all that he stood for and collected inside the temple. Even if a little bashfully, the second-line leaders now admit that on present reckoning the new Sikh leadership will be bound to the Bhindranwale cult. Said an Akali leader, not wanting to be identified: "The Jat Sikhs have traditionally followed the most militant leaders. Now this militancy will no longer be agrarian, economic or purely political. It will be unadulterated religious fundamentalism." The younger generation among the Akalis feels a lot will now depend on who is chosen as the 14th head of the Damdami Taksal after Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. His death has brought the nearly three centuries old religious institution into the forefront of Sikh politics and the Government has been worried by the reports that the "wise, old men" at the taksal may decide to perpetuate the extremist cult and choose a hot-headed leader. There has been widespread speculation that the mantle will fall on Talwinder Singh, the well- known extremist the Indian police have been hunting for months. He had been caught by the West German police nearly a year ago and released mysteriously last month in the absence of an extradition treaty between the two countries. Government sources say it will be a calamity of sorts if someone like him was to become the head of the taksal. Older priests at Gurudwara Gurdarshan Prakash at Chowk Mehta near Amritsar, the headquarters of the taksal, allay the fears. Said Jagir Singh, one of the senior priests: "I can state it most emphatically that we have made no decision so far. In any case, there is no question of Talwinder being chosen, for he was not brought up in our taksal. Any Sikh can carry a kirpan and claim to be devout. But our order has its own creed and no one brought up outside can be true to it." The priests at Chowk Mehta also say that they will not think in terms of finding a successor till they are sure of Bhindranwale's death. Incredibly enough, the priests are not the only people in Punjab who still believe Bhindranwale is alive. A large number of people all over the state believe in the legend that he escaped using a tunnel and will reappear at an opportune time. Said a senior army officer displaying a set of pictures of Bhindranwale's body to India Today: "Such fables spread every time a controversial figure dies. People keep hoping that Pakistan Television will present Bhindranwale one of these days. If they raise Bhindranwale on their TV we will raise Bhutto on ours." Irrespective of whether the man is dead or alive, there is no wishing away his cult. Senior Congress(I) leaders also admit that their belated attempt to use and build up Santa Singh was part of a strategy to counter this factor. In Baba Santa Singh, the Congress(I) has a Sikh who looks more ancient, devout and warlike than most and is now leading kar sewa, one of the Sikhs most hallowed traditions. But unfortunately, looks alone do not win political battles, not even in the realm of Punjab's often irrational politics. It is impossible for the Government to convince the ordinary Sikh that Santa Singh is more than a stooge. And till that is done Santa Singh and his kar sewa will remain no more than a gimmick, a bluff too transparent to win over a cynical Sikh population. At least on the kar sewa question there is no alternative to having someone who can carry the whole Sikh quam with him. And that someone at the moment, even Congress(I) l

Baba Santa Singh's colourful Nihangs arrival adds intriguing element to the Punjab drama Shekhar Gupta with Gobind Thukral Wednesday, August 15, 1984 Were the situation not so serious, it would have been viewed as nothing more than a comic interlude in a rather grim drama. Yet, for all that, when the short, stout Falstaffian figure of Baba Santa Singh waddled onto the Punjab stage last fortnight, it did add an intriguing new element to the long-running drama. After being dominated so long and so tragically by men of evil countenance, the unexpected arrival of Santa Singh in the Golden Temple was something of an anticlimax especially since he also symbolized the Government's desperation in trying to come to grips with the post-operation situation in Punjab. After negotiations between army generals and government representatives with the Shiromani Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee (SGPC) over the sensitive question of kar sewa to repair the heavily damaged Akal Takht had broken down. New Delhi played one of its few remaining cards in the form of the rotund Nihang leader. Initially, it appeared that the card was a joker. Dressed in the colorful saffron and blue-skirted dress of the Nihangs, Baba Santa Singh Chheyanvi Kirori (one with 96 crore followers) arrived at Amritsar's famous Gurudwara Burz Akali Phula Singh in a blaze of government- inspired publicity under the escort of scores of Punjab police commandos and army jawans. "Here look at my forces, we are a sect of martyrs," he declared pointing to the hundreds of his followers dressed in ancient warrior costumes. Within hours of his arrival, the gurudwara resembled a Nihang chhawni (cantonment). While some of his followers set up community kitchens, others stacked the arms they had arrived with. Meanwhile, the Baba's personal staff washed his scarred feet or trailed behind him with a room cooler on a long electric cord, an essential part of his baggage. But behind the surface comedy lay the grim reality that Santa Singh and his fellow Nihangs represented the storm-troopers of the Government's new offensive aimed at destroying the remnants of the Akali Dal leadership and also its desperate search for a solution to the Punjab problem. But the Akalis retaliated with a tactical stratagem. On a stage dominated for nearly a fortnight by the Nihang chief, entered yet another Baba, one a lot less comical and far more illustrious. For nearly a month after Operation Bluestar, Mrs Gandhi's favorite trouble-shooters from Delhi, led by Union Parliamentary Affairs Minister Buta Singh, had made the rounds of Bir Baba Budha Ji, a hallowed shrine 20 km from Amritsar, trying to persuade Baba Kharak Singh to take over kar sewa. The 90-year-old Baba, one of the most prominent builders of gurudwaras through kar sewa turned down Buta Singh's repeated entreaties but then suddenly sprang a surprise last week by announcing that he was ready to perform kar sewa, on the request of the SGPC and Akali Dal who in turn, promptly added the rider that the Government first withdraw the army from the temple. Santa Singh's reaction was angry and sharp. Said he: "Before I came in I wrote to Baba Kharak Singh, offering to help in kar sewa led by him. He never replied. It does not behave of him to step in suddenly now. This could only lead to confrontation." Matters were complicated further by the SGPC and Akali Dal who, while inviting Baba Kharak Singh, also charged the Government with having forcibly imposed Santa Singh on the Sikhs. The stage was set for yet another politico-religious battle between the two babas. It also placed the Government on the horns of a vicious dilemma. If it persisted with Santa Singh, the Sikh masses would never accept kar sewa. If it decided to sacrifice Santa Singh, he could raise a tremendous stink. Besides, that would be just the kind of concession on which the Akalis would claim victory. Moreover, once the work was handed over to Kharak Singh, the Government would have no way of ensuring that the Akal Takht was rebuilt and not retained in its present, bombed out state, which has been the Government's main apprehension. Mrs Gandhi could perhaps not have anticipated this additional complication when Parliament reopened for its monsoon session on July 23. In a no-holds-barred offensive the ruling party pulled out all stops as it sought to paint the Akalis and the Opposition as abettors of extremists. In the lead was Mrs Gandhi herself who argued that the Government had delayed action since the Opposition had been optimistic of an accord with the Akalis. It was then the turn of the new Home Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao to take up the cudgels followed by Rajiv Gandhi who, in an hour-long speech sounded off against the Opposition. The Government's strategy became clear as events unfolded. Mrs Gandhi had decided to go on the offensive to deny the Akalis any political mileage out of the situation. It was a ruthless attack where the ruling party often even contradicted itself or indulged in sheer prevarication. Charges not mentioned in the White Paper were leveled against the Akalis - Mrs Gandhi dismissed the White Paper as a document written by "bureaucrats". There was the usual insinuation of a foreign hand but once again, Mrs Gandhi and her spokesmen refused to specify anything, arguing that she was not making a case in a court of law. On the ground, in Amritsar, it was equally clear that the Government was in no mood to allow the Akalis a say in the rebuilding of the Akal Takht and it was determined that the repairs would be undertaken quickly one way or the other. The Government's front man was Baba Santa Singh who ignoring the fulminations of the priests and the Akalis Pressed his followers into action to start clearing the mound of debris from the vicinity of the Akal Takht. Daily wage labourers were joined by Muslim craftsmen brought in from Ajmer and Udaipur to craft marble slabs for the damaged building. Earlier in the fortnight, engineering art and archaeological experts, hand-picked by the Government and accompanied by Buta Singh had spent hours taking notes and measurements inside the Akal Takht remains. An old detailed map of the building had been fished out of the archives and details of carvings and terracotta work had been obtained from the government museum in Chandigarh. The plan, clearly, was to keep everything ready for reconstruction as soon as Santa Singh's followers cleared the debris and neutralized opposition from the Akalis. Said an architect involved in the work: "It is nothing like the restoration in Germany after the Second World War. But we have undoubtedly begun the biggest restoration plan in our history." Buta Singh boasted confidently: "I put the Asiad together in such a short time. This will not take too long either." But as an official admitted: "If our objective was to build a facade for speedy repair of the Akal Takht, it has been achieved. But if it was to make the Sikh masses swing away from their traditional leadership, we may have ensured just the reverse." Yet, for a fleeting moment on July 16, there was hope in Amritsar. As the hoot of the pilot car's siren announced the arrival of the army's top brass - including the acting army chief Lt-General Tirath Singh Oberoi - into the SGPC-run Guru Ram Dass Hospital, Akali leaders, including Bibi Rajinder Kaur, chief of the party's women's wing, were brimming with hope. Three days of intense negotiations had thrown up a formula of sorts. The Akalis promised not to let arms enter the temple and to invite Baba Kharak Singh to perform the kar sewa. While the army insisted on a right to maintain a picket on the darshani deori, the Akalis were inclined to give two rooms on the parikrama, facing the temple, to jawans dressed in mufti. But now, in the evening, the generals had brought in a surprise. They told the Akalis that New Delhi had decided that they were still not trustworthy and thus Baba Santa Singh had been brought in to share kar sewa with them. For the Akalis, who have a running feud with Santa Singh's pro-Congress Nihangs, this was a no-go situation. It later turned out that while the generals had been made to talk to the Akalis for hours together, a fleet of buses guarded by Punjab police commandos had quietly brought in the Nihangs into curfew-bound Amritsar from their headquarters near Bhatinda, about 300 km away. Even to the army brass the news of the move was broken by Congress(I) MP Arun Nehru and K.C. Pant who flew in from Delhi in the evening. The retaliation was not long in coming. The five high priests camping in Amritsar issued a hukamnama (edict) barring the Sikhs from participating in the kar sewa without their sanction. Immediately, Santa Singh was summoned by the head priests to explain his conduct. He haughtily ignored the summons and was ex-communicated from the faith. The same threat was held out to all other Sikhs participating in the kar sewa. Overnight, what initially began as a row between the Government and the Akalis was transformed into an internecine battle between the Sikhs themselves. Never in the faith's 500-year history had the traditional authority of the panth been challenged so brazenly. Said Santa Singh haughtily: "Who are these priests but salaried employees of the SGPC? How can they issue a hukamnama when the Akal Takht itself has been destroyed. We will first build the Akal Takht, restore its maryada (tradition and dignity). Then we will see what hukamnama is issued." While most people were still not inclined to view him seriously, Santa Singh's robust logic and defiance caught even the Sikh religious leadership on the wrong foot. Obviously, behind a ridiculously outlandish facade Santa Singh hides a shrewd politico-religious personality. As he repeatedly took them to task for having allowed the Golden Temple to become an extremist sanctuary, the SGPC and the priests could answer him only in unconvincing embarrassment. Understandably surprised by the defiance, the priests were confused. "You are taking your army away. But how are we going to get rid of this army you are leaving here?" one of them, in visible desperation, asked Major-General K.S. Brar as he came to the temple on his farewell visit before leaving for Meerut. Said the acting Akali Dal chief Prakash Singh Majithia: "What can you do when people turn against their own faith? All I can say is that these are not Guru Hargobind's Nihangs. They are Congress(I) Nihangs."

Why are the other four jathedars of the takhats agreeing with akal thakhat. are all the takhats under badals control? Even Hazoor Sahib.

i was looking at some of the books he wrote and i came across a book which is still unpublished, the book seems interesting His granth Gur Gira Kasauti answers some of the questions raised by his pupil, Tikka Ripudaman Singh, about the meanings of certain hymns in the Guru Granth Sahib bha sahibs granth 'Gur Gira Kasauti' is still unpublished does anyone know where to get a copy or if its available anywhere else?

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Giani Thakur Singh Ji -2015 Abyaas:

Khalsa Ji doesnt the sant samaj include the nihang samprada. this is what im talking about if there was any short comings in the maryada before lets have all jathebandies sit down and update the previous maryada so everyone will agree this time. all jathebandies want panth to be united. lets put our differences aside and work for panthic unity

Did the british control hazoor sahib. any information